Saturday, September 24, 2011

WHEN THE DIASPORA GIVES UP ON CAMEROON

Cameroon has less than ten years to change or else it will lose the goodwill, support, commitment and other strategic resources of its Diaspora. The generation that was in its youthful age in the 1990s and that acted as soldiers of the struggle for change has matured, but unfortunately is abroad. Only they have the zeal, sense of direction that has been groomed over the years, unwavering sense of patriotism and an all-embracing political ideology that accommodates all Cameroonians, irrespective of their linguistic affiliation, ethnicity or tribe. This group that did not participate in the rape of Cameroon will turn 50 and 60 in the next ten years. Then, they will become more focused on their career, families and new life abroad---which is like giving up on Cameroon. They will have to lead the struggle in the next two- five years or else find themselves and Cameroon cast into oblivion and political despondence.

The politically conscious of the Diaspora will relate better to the dreams, pains, or sufferings and frustrations of today’s youth who are supposed to be the soldiers of change in the creation of the new Cameroon.

Politically, the absence of dual nationality and persistent uncertainties even after the granting of Diaspora voting rights, could sideline them from the political evolution of Cameroon which will reach a turning point in the coming years as exclusion and necessity  force them to embrace the citizenship of their host countries. Unknown to many, there is a good percentage of Cameroonians who though qualified to obtain foreign citizenship, has been hesitating, conscious of the road blocks to dual nationality.

Economically, the umbilical cord linking the Diaspora to their Cameroonian families mostly in the form of remittances and real estate and other investment projects, will decline as their home families age and die or follow them by immigrating, taking away any incentive for the Diaspora to continue committing themselves economically to Cameroon.

Socially, the culture developing in Cameroon, centred on corruption, mismanagement, division (tribalism, nepotism, and favouritism) is separating Cameroon from the global civilization that the Diaspora identifies with. The current Diaspora can manage to navigate its way around when they come home for business; but the younger generation in the Diaspora, especially those born abroad, whose link to Cameroon is through the eyes of their parents, will be completely lost if their parents disengage from Cameroon in five to ten years time. They would focus fully on building a new life abroad for themselves and their descendants.

In a nutshell, if the system stays in place within the next five-ten years; and those in the Diaspora that were born in the 1960s and 1970s reaches retirement age while their children are all grown up and devoid of any genuine affiliation to Cameroon; that reliable generation of the Diaspora will most likely give up on Cameroon.

The editor of "This is News" newspaper--- Franklyn Sone Bayen, published this article  in Yaoundé , Cameroon on August 01, 2011. It was co-written with Janvier Tchouteu-Chando (a published Cameroonian writer with several books, living in the USA.

Friday, September 16, 2011

LES SENTIMENTS ANTI-BAMILEKE ET L'UNION NATIONALISME DU CAMEROUN :

La haine est une émotion négative et aveuglante. Et il y a un nom pour une maladie qui affecte les gens qui détestent ou qui ont peur des personnes et des choses qu'ils ne doivent pas être haineux ou craintifs à propos de. C'est appelé manie de persécution.

J'ai indiqué il y a quelques décennies, après une observation attentive, que les peuples  Camerounais ne peuvent jamais être en mesure de mobiliser toute la force de se débarrasser du système français-infligée que si elles viennent à accepter les problemes anglophones et les problemes Bamiléké. La majorité des Camerounais (francophones et anglophones, à l'exception de la minorité qui constituent le système au pouvoir) est venu à accepter le problème anglophone et ont voté dans leur majorité pour John Fru Ndi, un anglophone à l'élection présidentielle de 1992, tout comme les majorité des Américains ont surmonté les préjugés de plusieurs siècles et vieux de plusieurs décennies contre les Noirs, en votant Obama au pouvoir.

Mais cela m'attriste lorsque des personnes qui viennent du groupe anglophone qui ont été marginalisés par le système, de manière flagrante présentent ces mêmes préjugés et idées préconçues contre un groupe ethnique ---- peuples Bamiléké. L'utilisation de la peur ou la haine du peuple Bamiléké en particulier, était l'un des principaux cris de ralliement que les Français, Ahidjo, Biya et le système français a imposé utilisés pour maintenir le pouvoir et le contrôle au Cameroun. Nous avons pensé que la préconception du peuple Bamiléké comme un ennemi national au sein avait été brisé en 1990. Il semble qu'il n'a pas été brisé.

Nous ne pourrons jamais battre le système à moins que nous à surmonter le lavage de cerveau contre les Bami, Anglo et d'autres groupes au Cameroun qui a été faite de la mentalité nationale par le système au pouvoir. Quiconque garde cliquetis à ce sujet fait de lui-même comme un ennemi du peuple et un obstacle au changement. Vous êtes automatiquement de vous-même faire une force de division dans la lutte.

Les forces historiques sont proches de la configuration qui va balayer le système à partir du pouvoir. Nous ne pouvons pas se permettre d'avoir de division dans nos rangs, à ce moment historique. Notre avenir appartient à une Afrique qui est démocratique, uni, économiquement intégré, avec tous les droits civils, libertés et des avantages pour sa population. Cameroun serait la quintessence de cette nouvelle Afrique en raison de son héritage comme une incarnation des résultats positifs qui peuvent sortir d'une population diversifiée avec un passé tragique; qui ont surmonté leurs traumatismes et les différences, harnaché leurs espoirs et rêves et construit sur leur mutuelle compatibilités de réaliser un état nation prospère.

Notre génération a la tâche colossale de réaliser et d'élargir la vision de Cecil Rhodes d'une ligne de chemin de fer du Cap au Caire, et reprendre le flambeau des héros contemporains et des idées d'unification de l'Afrique dans la tâche incontournable qui aboutira à l'union économique et l'intégration politique de l'Afrique. Pour atteindre ces objectifs, nous devons regarder au-delà de notre nez.

Un véritable nationaliste camerounais de l'inclinaison Union (Union nationaliste) ne s'attarde pas sur les appartenances ethnique, la tribu, linguistique ou de religion, etc. Les Union nationaliste avec la vision révolutionnaire ne se seront eux-mêmes pas soumis à la pitié ou à l'aumône à partir du système, ses soutiens ou ceux qui par intérêt personnel sont traitant ou collaborer avec le système.

Je ne pense pas que je suis le seul à regarder vers un avenir où un Africain dirais Ubi bebe, ibi patria vera!! (Où il va bien avec moi, il y a ma véritable patrie.), Ou lorsque je pouvais dire que je suis un camerounais,   née comme un Bakwerie ou un enfant du Sud-Ouest de l'ethnie Bamiléké, sans recevoir les réponses vermineux à mes déclarations. Ou même être appelé Mola, tout comme certains des amis de mon père l'a appelé.

Laissez un millier d'idées fleurissent sur la façon dont le Cameroun de demain, un Cameroun qui accepte, un Cameroun qui enrichit, devrait ressembler. Le Cameroun a un rôle historique à jouer dans la réalisation de la nouvelle Afrique. Le triangle négligemment tirés appelé Cameroun incarne l'esprit de l'Afrique.

Aucun peuple ne sont collectivement mauvais. Seuls les individus sont mauvais. Et le mauvais système en place à des éléments de tous les groupes ethniques, religieux, et sociaux au Cameroun. Les Allemands n'ont jamais été collectivement condamnés comme sanguinaires, malgré les atrocités du nazisme. Les Hutus n'ont pas été ostracisés au cours du génocide rwandais. Tous les Rwandais sont aujourd'hui considérées comme des bâtisseurs potentiels du nouveau Rwanda, un pays qui se trouve en Afrique comme l'un des rares en Afrique qui a un sens de l'orientation.

Ainsi, les défenseurs du Cameroun Nouveau, les nationalistes de l'Union de toutes les nuances d'idées et de croyances; Joignons nos mains en rejetant le système. Il est temps d'affronter le système et commencer à travailler pour le CAMEROUN NOUVEAU qui rejette les stéréotypes ourdi par Jacques Foccart et le système anti-camerounaise mis en place par la France, un système qui étouffe notre développement et qui divise nos rangs. C'est un système anachronique.



Thursday, September 15, 2011

THE DAWN OF THE FOURTH PHASE OF THE STRUGGLE FOR THE NEW CAMEROON:

In 2005/2006, during the Fru Ndi/Ngwasiri and Fru Ndi/Asongwani acrimony, I stated categorically that the SDF was beyond salvage. Here was Fru and Ngwasiri at each other’s throats when in 2002, they conspired to deprive the SDF of its soul (the Union Nationalists and Revolutionaries who never conciliated with the system and who put the general purpose of the struggle far above their personal considerations). I merely echoed my position of 1997 that SDF was committing political suicide and of 2002 that it had finally done so. The party one had put his life on hold for had become a walking corpse because its head (Fru Ndi and his mafia) was rotten. I stated that Fru Ndi’s  open and disguised  involvement with the French-imposed anachronistic system and the  Biya regime  steering the mafia in Cameroon, had become a symbiosis; because  their phoney fight  was actually helping each other  and giving them a sense of relevance  in Cameroon and abroad. Fru Ndi’s hijacked SDF was sustaining the French-imposed system and vice-versa.

The elections in October 2011, is another proof of my point. Today, all the international media  showing some interest in Cameroon talk of incumbent Biya   battling it out with veteran opposition leaders, the most prominent being Fru Ndi. And their line up tells the story. Ndam Njoya. Garga Harman etc.  These are all the children of the system fooling Cameroonians again in another masquerade called elections. France would be there afterwards to congratulate Biya and he would later on pass the baton to another heir chosen by France, in the same manner that he got power from Ahidjo. That is France’s game plan in Cameroon that politicians compromised by the evil system are sustaining.

I see that some genuine advocates of change are still in denial; constrained by ethnic, linguistic, family, religious and friendly ties to these enemies of the people who are making a mockery of the dream of THE NEW CAMEROON. Some of us are still deluding ourselves that something good can come out of Biya, Fru Ndi, Ndam Njoya, etc. No! Nothing good is going to come out of the participants of the October 2011 masquerade called presidential elections.

But something good will come out  for the struggling Cameroonian masses who want peace, prosperity, liberty, development , freedom and dignity. Something good will come out from the masquerade for the post-independence generations, especially the foot soldiers of the Third Phase of The Struggle in the 1990s and those still under their twenties. This is the opportunity for them to make a clean break with the compromised generation of their fathers, a generation that corrupted the Cameroonian soul.

New configurations will emerge after this masquerade. It would be led by Union Nationalists, tested advocates of change who rejected the system, the oppression of the mafia, the deception of Jacques Foccart’s establishments in Cameroon and Africa, De Gaulle’s concept of Africa and the anachronistic system as a whole.

As said a decade ago, the Fourth Phase of The Cameroonian Struggle will start in the second decade of the New Millennium. It will start with the severance of the post-independence generation’s umbilical cord to the evil system. It will start with an alliance between the under 30s and the 30s-50s age groups. The Parlement generation and those who never conciliated in the struggle will lead the struggle.  The Diaspora with its virginal intentions and attachment to the free world will be the base from which a new dawn for Cameroon and Central Africa shall be launched.  But only through an integrated alliance of all the progressive, advanced, united and democratic forces at home and abroad shall the new Cameroon, central Africa and Africa be realised.  It would involve emancipating ourselves from the mental slavery that still sees us preferring to exist in the brainwashed world of the political mafia in place than live in a NEW ERA that makes us the masters of our own brains.



Janvier Tchouteu-Chando                                 September 15, 2011



                                 



CAN THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC FRONT (SDF) BE SALVAGED? (The Fru Ndi-Asonganyi split)


The sad thing is that the two sides in this internal conflict in the SDF are focused on scoring points rather than stating their cases in an intellectually honest manner that would help the post-independence generation not to repeat their mistakes. Sadly, also, they are not focused on saving the party by redressing its problems. The SDF is chronically sick, perhaps even terminally. Who is responsible? Both groups are. Who or what path could have saved the party? The path espoused by the revolutionaries or union-nationalists who rejected conciliation with the system in power and who objected to using the SDF for personal benefits. Do I trust either of the Asonganyi or Fru Ndi camps? The answer is: I trust neither.

When did the internal problems in the SDF begin?

It started back in 1993-1994 with the Muna-kamdoum-Asanga led faction that advocated a union government with the ruling CPDM party, a position that was vehemently opposed by the so-called hardliners (revolutionaries and union-nationalists). At the time, Fru Ndi (from a position of moderation) sided with the so-called hardliners. These union-government advocates were found in all the provinces and in the South West province, they were championed by Ndoki Mukete (the 1993-1994 provincial chairman) who was kicked out of his position in midterm reorganization in December 1994 by Tabe-Nyang who himself was bought over by the CPDM in 1997. Even my closest friend (politically) Babilla Frederick with whom I spent two months in detention in 1991 got lured by the wealth and power promised, became a darling of Ben Muna and blatantly betrayed all his family-like political friends.

When the prospects of winning power became dimmer in the mid 1990s, the moderates without the revolutionary zeal, concept of the national idea and integrity as friends of the people, started compromising. That shift became evident following the 1996 council and 1997 parliamentary elections. Those wavering characters with positions of power and influence in the party used those positions to gain wealth. After all, the chairman was doing the same. And strangely enough, the so-called hardliners were despised for dissociating themselves from the malady going on in the party. When they called on Fru Ndi and his clique to account for their actions through an internal debate in 2002, they were branded as enemies of the chairman by the clique.

I would have respected or trusted Asonganyi if he had been overtly critical back in 2002, if he had sided with the genuine exponents of change (the revolutionaries and union-nationalists) who quit the party in despair of Fru-Ndi’s betrayal, revolutionaries and union nationalists whose despair Asonganyi and co are overtly sharing today.

Can the once great SDF be salvaged? No, it cannot. It went down hill for more than a decade to its present terminal stage. Like the historic UPC that was hijacked in 1990 by the renegades, it would also take eternity to salvage the betrayed SDF. That would be in the era of our distant progenies who would likely be having no idea of the purpose of SDF’s creation. That is the harsh reality which those close to me and who have loved me selflessly, have pointed out to me, a logical situation, I have not fully come to terms with.

Janvier Tchouteu

Posted by: Janvier Tchouteu | Monday, 28 November 2005