Wednesday, August 6, 2025

FALLEN HEROES: African Leaders Whose Assassinations Disarrayed the Continent and Benefitted Foreign Interests

 PROLEGOMENON




No continent suffered the horrendous effects of slavery as much as Africa; no continent was ravished by colonialism as much as the land that is the cradle of civilization, and no continent has been exploited and is being exploited like the world's second-largest and second most populous continent. When we take into account the fact that the African continent is more resources-endowed than the others; when the harsh reality hits us that it is the least developed  of the world's main continuous expanses of land; and  when we observe that it is haunted by an unbelievable disconnect between the ruling elites and the masses, we then find ourselves confronted by  many unavoidable questions such as:

 

·       Why is Africa in such a pathetic state?

·       Is the continent incapable of coming up with leaders that can take it out of its current impasse and futile consensus to a future that would advance the wellbeing of the African people?

·       Are Pan-Africanists (Africans who are selflessly dedicated to the well-being and development of the land and its people) capable of overhauling its few indigenous dictators and the forces controlling the African puppets  —  political leaderships and political establishments put in place by foreign powers and foreign interest  —  and so bring about the long-awaited reality of a “New Africa” that is economically united, politically integrated and that is in control of its sovereignty?

 

The first paragraph, in a way, answers the first question. The second and third questions are in the affirmative for the obvious reasons. Pan-Africanist leaders dominated Africa’s history in the 1950s and 1960s, and many of them were killed by the colonial and former colonial powers or their agents. In fact, six African independence leaders were assassinated by their ex-colonial rulers between 1961 and 1973.

Were it not that it is sadly true, the list of the killed leaders of African independence movements and the stories behind their deaths or assassinations would make an espionage bestseller.

The first major test of killing the leader of an African independence movement began in Cameroon following the return to power of General Charles De Gaulle in France in June 1958. We are talking here about the September 13, 1958, assassination of Ruben Um Nyobè. He was the leader of the “Union of the Populations of the Cameroons” (UPC), a civic-nationalist political party that was advocating for the reunification and independence of French Cameroon and British Cameroons (territories of the former German Kamerun, which was partitioned between France and Britain following the defeat of Germany in the First World War).

Cameroon suffered another traumatizing assassination two years after Um Nyobè’s gruesome political murder. This was the assassination of Ruben Um Nyobè's successor and second leader of the UPC, Dr. Felix Moumie. He died on November 3, 1960, in Geneva, Switzerland, from thallium poisoning that the French secret agent William Bechtel administered during dinner that they were having together at a restaurant in the Swiss city. The Frenchman had won the Cameroonian's trust by posing as a journalist.

Then there would be Patrice Lumumba, the prime minister of the newly independent Congo, the cruelly ravished former Belgian Congo that from 1885-1908 was known as “The Congo Free State”  —  essentially the private possession of the Belgian King Leopold II where more than half of the population died from the effects of exploiting the land’s resources. Lumumba’s death involving four major Western countries and their agents in Congo is the single biggest cause of the chronic malady of that country, which, like Cameroon, is yet to recover from the trauma it suffered during the early years of its so-called independence.

Sylvanus Olympio, the leader of Togo, would be killed in 1963, barely two years after the assassination of Patrice Lumumba.

Sylvanus Olympio’s death would be followed shortly after by that of Mehdi Ben Barka, the leader of the Moroccan opposition movement, who was kidnapped in France in 1965, was never released, and whose body has not been found since then.

Eduardo Mondlane, the leader of Mozambique's FRELIMO (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique) or Liberation Front of Mozambique, which was fighting for the colony’s independence from Portuguese rule, would die from a parcel bomb in 1969.

The 1973 assassination of Amilcar Cabral, the leader of the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde, (Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde or PAIGC), the West African liberation movement against Portuguese colonial rule in Guinea Bissau and Cape Verde, would herald the transition to a new phase of neocolonialism dominated by puppet dictators in the continent who would face little or no pushback from the Pan-Africanist, except in the case of  Guinea Bissau, Angola, Mozambique, Namibia and South Africa under Portuguese colonial rule, and under the quasi-colonial rule of Apartheid South Africa respectively.

There have been several other traumatizing assassinations of progressive African political figures in the last six decades. However, the ones below have been the most reverberating, with unintended consequences as the legacy of these felled African heroes are expanding every day to become the basis for the rebirth of Pan-Africanism, the ideal around which the economic union and political integration of Africa would be realized.



Excerpt from the book  FALLEN HEROES: African Leaders Whose Assassinations Disarrayed the Continent and Benefitted Foreign Interests



 



Thursday, July 24, 2025

POLITIQUES ET RÉVOLUTIONNAIRES DANS LA LUTTE POUR LE CAMEROUN NOUVEAU

 Les politiciens ne sont pas ceux qui sont censés changer un système et sortir un pays d'une impasse vers l'avenir. C'est l'œuvre des révolutionnaires.

 

Les politiciens opèrent dans des systèmes établis et font du politiquement pour défendre, sauvegarder ou promouvoir certains intérêts, qu'ils soient individuels, de groupe, ethniques, régionaux, linguistiques ou nationaux, sur la base de phrases creuses ou par le biais d'une formulation de pensée clairement définie (idée ou concept).

 

Les révolutionnaires, quant à eux, sont ceux qui défient un système, s'attendant à le faire tomber et à instituer un nouveau système qui servirait les intérêts de la majorité foulée aux pieds (les masses souffrantes ou en lutte). Dans le but de faire tomber le système, les révolutionnaires ne s'attendent pas à bénéficier ou à prospérer de la lutte. Au lieu de cela, ils sont prêts à tout sacrifier pour la lutte.

 

Ce qui est triste, c'est qu'alors que la lutte camerounaise pour changer le système est une lutte révolutionnaire, la plupart des dirigeants des soi-disant partis d'opposition parlent de politique et en attendent des récompenses, même s'ils sont toujours engagés dans la lutte pour changer le système. C'est pourquoi la plupart d'entre eux ont compromis les idéaux de la lutte avec des excuses selon lesquelles « il est impossible de vivre d'une politique propre en tant que véritable opposition au Cameroun ». Il y a et il y a eu des Camerounais qui ont donné leur valeur de manière désintéressée à la lutte et ont estimé qu'il était déshonorant d'utiliser la lutte pour obtenir des avantages personnels. Ils étaient et sont les union-nationalistes ou civique-nationalistes et les révolutionnaires.

 

Au cours de mes années d'implication dans la lutte, j'ai finalement réalisé que le système (les régimes Ahidjo-Biya soutenus par le groupe mafieux français contrôlant les affaires africaines) craignait et respectait ces révolutionnaires et union-nationalistes  pour leur authenticité, leur nature inébranlable et leur intégrité. Mais curieusement, les politiciens qui professent être dans l'opposition ont conçu une haine pour ces révolutionnaires et ces union-nationalistes  simplement parce que ces révolutionnaires et union-nationalistes sont authentiques et ne sont pas comme eux, et parce qu'ils regardent avec horreur la tromperie des politiciens qui essaient de vivre de la politique et, ce faisant,  compromettait la lutte et trahissait les aspirations des masses en lutte.

 

Curieusement, nous avons échoué dans cette phase de la lutte (1990-2002) parce que les politiciens ont mené la lutte pour changer le système (une revendication révolutionnaire) au lieu des révolutionnaires et des union-nationalistes qui sont beaucoup moins susceptibles d'être compromis par les valeurs négatives du système anachronique imposé par la France.

 

Janvier Tchouteu | Vendredi 15 avril 2005  



Le Cameroun: Le Cœur Hanté de l’Afrique (French Edition)

Saturday, July 19, 2025

THE CLIMAX OF THE BEGINNING: The Primrose Path to the Ukrainian Conflict

 "THE CLIMAX OF THE BEGINNING: The Primrose Path to the Ukrainian Conflict",  focuses on the events leading up to the conflict in Ukraine, describing the "engineered path" that resulted in the "largest military conflict in Europe since World War Two". The book aims to make the conflict understandable and to provide a foundation for resolution and reconciliation.

 

The book, part of the series "UKRAINE: Conflict and Peace", explores the grievances, policies, and actions, both overt and covert, that culminated in the conflict. It highlights the role of the East Slavs (Ukrainians, Russians, and Belarusians) as pawns in a larger geopolitical game. The book's main goal is to facilitate a path towards peace and harmony in the region.

 

"The Climax of the Beginning" is available as an Audible Audiobook, a Kindle edition, and a paperback book. The audiobook is 1 hour and 24 minutes long