Thursday, June 27, 2024

THE DREAM WE SHALL FINALLY REALISE

 





For almost a century, Cameroonians have dreamt. Their dreams have not been the types of the fantasy world, but rather they have been dreams that give a dynamic people hope, inspiration, aspiration and purpose in life. Cameroonians have dreamed those dreams with their eyes open, being always aware of the visible link between dreams and reality. Those dreams are embodied in our union nationalism in its whole or partial form.

 

The basic tenet of Cameroonian union nationalism which is to have our destiny in our own hands did not start today. Our struggle against colonialism and imperialism is not even a post-World War One struggle. While jealously guarding our unity, while advocating for a Cameroon permeated by progressive Cameroonian concepts, our traditional rulers and nationalists have confronted the colonial masters to put their interests above those of the colonialists in the land. Martin Paul Samba (Mebenga Mebongo), Rudolf Duala Manga Bell and our other early nationalists were executed in 1914, not just because they opposed German colonial rule, but more because they had brought into existence Cameroon’s nationalism and had unleashed the nationalist forces which were going to ignite others that were to rock the African continent. Our early nationalists had discovered the key to the box that contained the ideas that were to liberate and guide the oppressed in Cameroon and Africa. Those ideas embody the framework of the Cameroonian dream being upheld for an eventual realization by our union nationalists.

 

Had Cameroonian nationalists not been temporarily defeated in 1914 with the execution of Martin Paul Samba and Rudolf Manga Bell by the Germans, our prospectively great land would not have suffered partition by France and Britain. Nevertheless, Cameroonian nationalist did not relent in their dream despite the pacifying actions of the two colonial powers. That dream of Cameroonian nationalism assumed a union form, which besides its original ideas of a Cameroon permeated by Cameroonian concepts with a highly developed pattern and a champion of African unity; it also advocated for a genuinely bilingual ethos of a reunited Cameroon, the bridging of the gap in the differential economic developments that had arisen after partition, and the harmonization of the styles of thought formulations and actions of its Anglophone and francophone children.

 

By an indiscernible work of destiny, the resurgence of Cameroon’s union nationalism realized reunification and independence hardly a decade and a half later, without the union nationalists in power to implement the original Cameroonian dream. They had been massacred, exiled, cowed and side-lined by the anti-nationalist French forces and the puppet regimes they put in place under Ahidjo Ahmadou and Biya Paul. Yes, thirty-seven years of Ahidjo-Biya rule whose idea to lead Cameroon was an unrealistic program by France has failed. It has failed because it was devoid of the advanced and all-embracing Cameroonian dream and was out of touch with the Cameroonian reality. Now, it is clear that our salvation and future rest only in a total return and commitment to our original dream of union nationalism. This time around, we should not allow detractors to lure or force us away from the only path that can save Cameroon and lead the country to the future. The advanced ideas of Cameroonian union nationalism are what we must realize in the struggle we are engaged in.

 

Some people claim that it is a shortcoming to dream. I hold strongly that there is nothing wrong with having a dream for a nation and people. There is a disadvantage only when you dream with your eyes closed and you fail to discern the chain connecting the dream and reality. The Union nationalists dead and alive did not fail to discern that chain.

 

Others hold that you should not work for the realization of a dream that you may not realize in your lifetime. That too is ridiculous. Not all realistic dreams are meant to be self-realizing. So, it is not pathetic for a man who engaged in a cause to realize a progressive dream and ends along the way, because posterity would always regard him as an impetus to the historical evolution that involved his dream.

 

Today, the forces fighting for authentic change and the realization of the original Cameroonian dream are poorly organized. That our dream can be realized now may look like stretching credulity to the utmost. However, despite the credulous nature of the look of things, that fervent hope that the Cameroonian dream will be realized eventually is what we must cling to. Perhaps the advantages of never relenting in the pursuit of a dream were observed best by Dmitry Ivanovich Pisarev who wrote:

·       My dream may run ahead of the natural march of events or may fly off at a tangent in a direction no natural march of events will ever follow it. In the first case, my dream will not have done any harm; it may even help and add fuel to the energy of the working classes...If a man were completely deprived of the ability to dream in this way, if he could never run ahead and mentally conceive in an entire and complete picture the results of the work which his hands are only just beginning to shape, then I cannot imagine what stimulus there would be to induce men to undertake extensive and exhausting work in the sphere of art, science and practical endeavor...The rift between dream and reality causes no harm if the dreamer believes seriously in his dream, if he attentively observes life, compares his observation with the castles in the air, and if in general, he works conscientiously towards achieving his fantasies. If there is some connection between dreams and life, then all is well.

 

Yes, the Cameroonian dream expounded by the forces of its union nationalism had been ahead of the natural match of events because of its advanced nature. For more than eight decades it has been the fuel to the energy of the struggling masses. The path to realize this dream has seen the Union-nationalists being continuously inspired by the heroes of our nationalism of the pre-World War One days, the post-World War Two days and those of contemporary times. Only, honestly, we are inadequately committed and shamefully divided. That makes the realization of our dream all the more difficult.

 

As the people the most responsible for our future, all real and potential union nationalists especially those of the post-independence generations, should join hands to strengthen that connection between the Cameroonian dream and reality. And with the fundamental change of the system and the implementation of the noble ideas of our union nationalism, Cameroon shall start on the long-delayed path to the future whose advanced dream would place us at the forefront of African and world progress.

 

JANVIER TCHOUTEU                                 DECEMBER 15, 1994

Monday, June 24, 2024

The Response to an Exchange between a Southern Cameroons (Ambazonia)Nationalist Vanguard and Cameroonian Civic-nationalists (Union-Nationalists) and Advocates for a "New Cameroon"

Dear ...,

 

When I wrote in my last email that "Such a prospect of founding this ‘New Cameroon’ would require honesty, genuineness, and adherence to historical truths from all the parties.", it was a polite way of saying that not only do we demand those qualities from the evil establishment, but equally from those opposing them, even from the Anglophone Cameroonian nationalists or Southern Cameroons nationalists. However, since we are still grieving the loss of Anglophone Cameroonian lives, I thought it wasn't worthwhile exposing the nuances coming from the opposition to the system, nuances coming from Anglophone Cameroonians in particular.

 

However, you, brushing aside Sam Esale’s truthful position stirred me beyond…Well, I am also a slave to historical truths, and I don't think tolerating historical untruths encourages debates or dialectical approaches to resolving issues that risk tearing people apart and/or causing the loss of lives. I am not saying that the untruths were deliberate, though.

 

Sam is right to say that British Southern Cameroons gained its independence by reunification(joining) with the former "French Cameroun" following the 11 February 1961 plebiscite. There was no third option for independence --- going it alone.

 

As I said before, Cameroon's case is unique. You mentioned Quebec, Eritrea, South Sudan, Zanzibar etc., that "Southern Cameroons is unlike" them. You are right about that, but not "Because of that plebiscite..." as you also stated. In the case of Quebec and Eritrea, they were incorporated into British Canada and Ethiopia as "trophies of war", hence they could or can politely get out (through a plebiscite or referendum) --- Quebec, or fight their way out---Eritrea. Eritrea did just that. Britain simply brought South Sudan and Sudan together, two entities that had no history before as a single entity; and it had to take decades of war and millions of deaths for the international community to grant a referendum that allowed South Sudan to go its separate way. And of course, Zanzibar was a British protectorate (a protectorate which in modern international law, is a dependent territory that has been granted local autonomy and some independence while still retaining the sovereignty of a greater sovereign state. The United Kingdom never granted independence to Zanzibar because it never had sovereignty over Zanzibar. The UK simply ended the Protectorate and made provision for full self-government in Zanzibar as an independent country within the Commonwealth. It was the revolutionary government that came to power a month after Zanzibar's independence by overthrowing the pro-British monarch that negotiated a union with Tanganyika, forming a new country called Tanzania. So, Zanzibar could have stayed independent if it wanted to. Southern Cameroons never had that option.

 

The case in Africa you could have even compared to British Southern Cameroon’s was British Somaliland. Somalis, who had never been united before found their homeland even more divided into three Somali colonial territories (French Somaliland, Italian Somaliland and British Somaliland.) during the partition of Africa and the rest as a part of Kenya (North-east Kenya) and Ethiopia (Ogaden). Italian Somaliland became a British Trust Territory, like British Cameroons (British Northern Cameroons and British Southern Cameroons) after World War 2, which Britain administered separately from its protectorate British Somaliland. The Legislative Council of British Somaliland passed a resolution in April 1960 requesting independence and union with the Trust Territory of Somaliland (the former Italian Somaliland), which was scheduled to gain independence on 1 July 1960. The leaders of British Somaliland and the former Italian Somaliland met and agreed to form a unitary state. However, Britain ended its control over British Somaliland five days before the scheduled unification date, so the territory was briefly independent as the State of Somaliland before uniting on July 01, 1960, with the Trust Territory of Somaliland (the former Italian Somaliland) to form the Somali Republic (Somalia).

 

Curiously enough, following the descent of Somalia into a failed state following the exit from power of President Siad Barre, the civil war and the breakdown of the central government, a geopolitical entity emerged In May 1991, calling itself the “Republic of Somaliland”, and regarding itself as the successor to the former British Somaliland as well as to the State of Somaliland (the short-lived independent state of five days). Yet no country or international organization recognizes it until today. And there are tons of other nominally independent states that are still unrecognized today who sacrificed blood to secede from the dominant state they were a part of---Nagorny Karabakh, Transnistria, Donetsk People’s Republic, Lugansk People’s Republic, and until 2008 Abkhazia and South Ossetia (That Russia and a few countries recognized following the Russo-Georgian war) and Kosovo (recognized by many Western countries), but not by up to half of the world.

 

In a nutshell, the retarding establishment can only address the grievances of   Cameroonians West of the Mungo piecemeal. But a true, fundamental, genuine and overall resolution of Cameroon’s No 1, minority problem is possible only in a New Cameroon, a New Cameroon that is possible after all the peoples of Cameroon, irrespective of religion, region, ethnicity or linguistic affiliation join hands and with all seriousness dismantle this French-imposed system that has kept all Cameroonians in a cesspool for close to six decades. And truth be told, I think the Northwest region is the least conscious of that reality as its politicians confuse the population into continuing the embrace of conflicting forces that divide the ranks of exponents of change there, making them strike blindly most of the time so that the formidable energy that the region generates gets scattered instead of being fully galvanized and channeled to effect cooperation with other forces of change in Cameroon and in building the broader energy that can sweep this monstrous system out of power and realize the New Cameroon. We need to be critical and self-critical; we need to listen to the points of view of others, be open-minded, start calling a spade a spade and turn our backs away even from our family members and tribesmen who are helping to sustain the system in a symbiosis that is leading Cameroon to the abyss. “Long Sense” is not the way forward. It is anachronistic in the cause to found the “New Cameroon” because it smells of deception that a rational mind finds intolerable.

 

All the best,

 

Janvier Chouteu

 

November 28, 2016




Janvier Tchouteu is the author of Triple Agent, Double Cross




CAMEROON: The Haunted Heart of Africa