Thursday, August 13, 2026

Insight into French Neocolonialism (Excerpt from the historical/political thriller "Flash of the Sun")

 Chapter Two

 

 

 

 

 

René Roccard spent the night after receiving authorization from the French Consulate in New York in a state of restless anticipation. His request to travel to France had finally been approved, yet the news brought him little peace. Sleep eluded him. Whenever he drifted toward it, thoughts of French Cameroun pulled him back to wakefulness.

Too much had happened during his years away.

Too many questions demanded answers.

The territory he had once known so intimately was changing rapidly, driven by nationalist aspirations, political rivalries, and the uneasy transition from colonial rule to an uncertain future. There were developments to understand, influential personalities to assess, alliances to evaluate, and strategies to formulate. The stakes were high, and René knew it.

By dawn, he had managed only a few hours of broken sleep.

Still, excitement carried him forward.

He arrived in Paris in the closing weeks of spring without informing friends, relatives, or former colleagues of his return. He preferred discretion. The fewer people who knew of his presence in France, the better. He checked into a modest hotel, spent the evening reviewing his notes on recent developments in French Africa, and reported the following morning to the Ministry of Overseas Territories.

An appointment had been arranged with the newly appointed minister.

The meeting was scheduled for Thursday.

René was in unusually good spirits when he arrived at the former Hôtel Majestic, a grand Parisian establishment that had once welcomed diplomats, aristocrats, and wealthy travelers from every corner of Europe. Time and politics had transformed the magnificent building into an administrative center devoted to matters of empire and diplomacy.

As he approached its imposing façade, memories stirred within him.

How different France seemed now from the country he had left behind.

The scars of war were fading, yet the nation still appeared burdened by its responsibilities overseas. Across Africa and Asia, demands for self-determination were growing stronger. Colonial administrators who had once governed with confidence were increasingly forced to confront difficult political realities.

René wondered whether the men inside truly understood what was unfolding.

A secretary greeted him politely and escorted him through a series of corridors before bringing him to the minister's office.

The meeting began cordially enough.

It did not remain so.

Within minutes, René sensed that Minister André Colin possessed only a superficial understanding of the situation in French Cameroun. The minister's questions struck him as poorly informed. Some of his observations revealed an alarming lack of familiarity with the personalities and developments that were reshaping the territory.

René struggled to maintain his composure.

Several times, he caught himself tightening his jaw.

Years of service had taught him discipline, but discipline was being severely tested.

By the time the conversation drew toward its conclusion, he had become convinced that the meeting had accomplished almost nothing. He left his chair deeply disappointed and inwardly furious.

Had Paris truly entrusted African affairs to men who knew so little about them?

The thought appalled him.

For a fleeting moment, he even considered reporting his concerns to higher authorities.

The irritation showed on his face as he rose to leave.

Yet something unexpected happened.

André Colin stood up as well.

Instead of ending the meeting formally, the minister walked around his desk and extended a hand.

René hesitated before returning the gesture. Standing beside the minister, he was reminded that he towered over the man physically. Yet the minister's next words immediately changed the mood, brining a smile to his face  for the first time that afternoon.

"I don't believe anyone has informed you," André Colin said, accompanying him toward the door, "but Monsieur Pierre Messmer has asked to meet with you."

René stopped.

For a moment, he wondered if he had heard correctly.

"Messmer?" he asked, narrowing his eyes with surprise.

"Oui, René," the minister replied. "Pierre Messmer himself. In fact, he personally requested that I arrange a meeting."

René's disappointment vanished entirely in an instant. Pierre Messmer was a different matter altogether.

"When?" René asked.

"Tuesday," André Colin answered. "Three o'clock. Right here in this office."

René nodded slowly.

"I will certainly be here."

The days that followed seemed unusually long.

Although René occupied himself reviewing reports and gathering information, he found his thoughts repeatedly returning to the upcoming meeting.

Unlike André Colin, Pierre Messmer was a man René respected immensely.

Their paths had crossed years earlier in French Cameroun, during the first year of Messmer's tenure as High Commissioner. René had quickly recognized in him a rare combination of intelligence, courage, and administrative competence. Messmer understood Africa—not as an abstraction discussed in ministerial offices, but as a living reality shaped by peoples, traditions, ambitions, and grievances.

It therefore came as no surprise when the French government elevated him five months earlier to the strategically important position of High Commissioner of French Equatorial Africa.

If anyone in Paris possessed a realistic understanding of French Africa's future, it was Pierre Messmer.

And if René hoped to influence events in French Cameroun, there was no better person to speak with.

On that Tuesday, René arrived thirty minutes early.

The great building appeared quieter than during his first visit.

He spent several minutes studying the bustle of officials and secretaries moving through the halls before a young secretary finally approached him.

"Monsieur Roccard," she said with a polite smile, "Monsieur Messmer will see you now."

His pulse quickened slightly.

The secretary led him through familiar corridors and opened the office door exactly one minute before the appointed hour.

René stepped inside.

Immediately, he noticed the difference.

André Colin was nowhere to be seen.

Instead, standing near the large window overlooking Paris, hands clasped behind his back, was Pierre Messmer.

The former commander was gazing thoughtfully at the city below.

For a brief moment, neither man spoke. Then Messmer turned around and smiled.

The years seemed to vanish at once.

René, René le formidable!” Pierre Messmer bellowed, his voice carrying the booming, authoritative resonance of a man accustomed to commanding rooms and shaping the destiny of peoples.

He threw his arms wide, a stark contrast to the stifling diplomatic protocol of Paris, and strode forward to envelop René Roccard in a warm, anchoring bear hug.

“Mon Commandant,” René muttered, a genuine smile breaking across his weathered face as he yielded to the embrace, feeling the solid, reassuring frame of his former superior.

“Look at you. Aside from a few more gray hairs earned in the diplomatic trenches, you haven’t changed a bit,” Messmer chuckled, stepping back just enough to appraise him with sharp, assessing eyes.

For a few suspended heartbeats, the two men fell silent. They didn’t need words; the heavy, shared history of veterans who had bled for the tricolor bridged the gap between them.

“I feel deeply honored that you carved out precious time for me today,” René said, his tone measured and respectful. “Especially given the relentless crises you have to manage on a daily basis.”

Messmer waved a dismissive hand, walking toward a sleek mahogany sideboard. “What are you talking about, René? If I can’t clear my schedule for someone like you—a man who shares the burdens of state and the deep worries keeping me awake about the future of France—then who else is there?”

“I suppose there is a great deal we need to wrestle with.”

“I am entirely at your disposal. We have all the time in the world this evening. Monsieur Colin was thoughtful enough to make arrangements for a proper vintage; it should keep our spirits high while we grapple with the dark forces currently haunting our republic.”

Magnifique! Cognac?”

Bien sûr que oui! Now, if my memory isn’t failing me, you have always had an exquisite palate for brandy. Even back in the day, your taste buds were remarkably sharp. You might not have realized it then, but you constantly amazed me with your ability to distinguish the subtle notes and qualities of a fine cognac without missing a beat.”

“Ah, what a magnificent drink,” René sighed appreciatively.

Excellent! Mon Dieu! How we lived on that stuff back in the day. Brandy was liquid gold—so painfully scarce during those brutal months in Indochina,” Messmer reminisced, pouring the amber liquid into two crystal tumblers.

At the mention of Indochina, René’s grin widened, flickering with a complex web of nostalgia and bitter memories. Like Messmer, he had been thrust into the steaming, treacherous jungles of Southeast Asia right after the cataclysm of the Second World War. Their official mission: to restore absolute French sovereignty to the colonial territories following the sudden vacuum left by the capitulation of Japanese occupiers, and to decisively crush the rising, ideological tide of Ho Chi Minh’s Marxist Vietminh forces.

It had been René’s maiden posting to the mysterious, volatile East. The environment offered few distractions from the relentless heat, the oppressive humidity, and the constant threat of ambush—that is, until he developed an unshakeable fondness for the local brandies and the exotic, captivating allure of oriental women. It was deep within the steamy Indochinese interior that he first discovered his profound attraction for women of a rich, high degree of pigmentation, a preference that had since followed him across continents.

“Brandy is still my enduring vice,” René confessed, his eyes twinkling with amusement.

René Roccard listened to Pierre Messmer as he small-talked. He never took his eyes off his former boss as he picked up two glasses from the open cabinet and poured them both a drink. Then Pierre Messmer handed him a glass and toasted.

Vive la France,” René echoed softly.

They clinked glasses, the sharp crystal ring cutting through the quiet office, before both men brought the amber liquid to their lips.

“Well!”

“Merci!” René responded after taking a long, deeply appreciative gulp. “C’est merveilleux!”

Certainement! It tastes infinitely better than the harsh swill we choked down our throats over there. You probably won't believe this, but I experienced an almost agonizing craving for brandy during the two months I chafed in Vietminh captivity.”

“I understand completely,” René said, his voice dropping an octave as he locked eyes with Messmer, an unspoken pact of mutual survival flashing between them.

“I know you understand, René. Because you endured the exact same degrading ordeal.”

“Five months,” René muttered, closing his eyes for a second as the phantom memory of bamboo cages, humid prison walls, and relentless interrogation flashed behind his eyelids.

Messmer’s expression darkened, the warmth of the reunion yielding to the hard, unyielding steel of old grievances. “I take it you know what all of this means—for you, for me, and for our brothers-in-arms who marched in glory through Paris. Remember the Parisians lining the grand boulevards, cheering us until their throats were raw for restoring the national honor that Hitler’s jackboots had trampled upon during four wretched years of German occupation? We didn't stop at the capital. We swept through the provinces, achieving victory after victory, buoyed by the unstoppable spirit of the liberation. The sheer vindication of chasing the fleeing Nazis all the way back across the Rhine into Germany...”

“Merveilleux!” René breathed, the memory of France’s  and Europe’s liberation still capable of quickening his pulse.

“And yet, look at what happened mere years after that glorious ride to victory.”

“Well—”

“I am talking about the sheer, unadulterated humiliation of finding ourselves trapped in primitive bamboo cages, guarded by swarthy, illiterate insurgents whose concept of warfare belonged to the Dark Ages. And then—to cap it all off—we ended up losing Indochina to those savages entirely because our spineless politicians in Paris lacked the collective will to fight. Utterly humiliating!” Messmer growled, his fist tightening around his glass.

“I understand your bitterness.”

“I knew you would. We fought side by side across the blood-soaked battlefields of France, Germany, and Indochina. We returned home expecting a renewed nation, only to find France tearing itself apart in political chaos. Yes, René! I took this diplomatic post as a deliberate escape from my beloved France because I could no longer stomach the endless squabbling of politicians, especially those dangerous elements on the left.”

“I did much the same thing,” René interjected, swirling the remaining cognac in his glass.

“Ah, yes. You sought sanctuary and peace of mind in America. But it was always obvious to those who knew you that you never truly stopped worrying about our cherished France. You never stopped wrestling with the profound existential challenges confronting our nation.”

René nodded slowly, his expression solemn. “Certainement!” he murmured, his eyes half-closed.

Messmer suddenly straightened, clearing his throat as he shifted back to business. “Now, René, le formidable! Let us cut to the core purpose of this meeting.”

“Bien sûr!”

“When the intelligence reports crossed my desk and I learned of your persistent, formal requests to be reassigned to Cameroun, I said to myself—Here is the exact man we need for this powder keg.”

“I honestly care not to count the number of times I submitted that request before anyone in Paris deigned to listen.”

Messmer’s voice softened, losing its bureaucratic edge. “René, René, René! Consider the human cost. Your kid brother, Marc, was actively serving right there in Cameroun. How much blood and sacrifice could France possibly demand from a single family?”

René dropped his gaze to the dark amber liquid in his glass, shaking his head in silence.

“I am deeply sorry about Marc.”

René looked up, his jaw set, his eyes flashing with a cold, resolute determination. “He is dead, and we have a war to win. Those communist-backed bandits in the jungles and grasslands there must not be allowed to succeed.”

“I am glad you are committed to the land your brother sacrificed his life for. The New France won’t be led to flee French Cameroun or Algeria as left-led France abandoned Indochina to Ho Chi Minh’s red bandits. Général Charles De Gaulle is back, and so too is our glory.”

“I like your language,” René said, sipping his brandy and licking his lips.

“You won’t believe it if I tell you that the first native we put there as prime minister wanted me to authorize the army to use Napalm on Um Nyobé’s people. He wanted us to ‘wipe the Bassa people out’, as he put it.”

“André-Marie Mbida, you mean?”

Messmer nodded.  “André-Marie Mbida himself.”

“He is a moron.”

Messmer nodded again. “His utterances against Um Nyobé and his UPC partisans is making our campaign look bad.”

“Good, you understand the liability we created. He certainly is a bad son of a bitch, but he is our son of a bitch for all I know. The Americans have a better way of phrasing it, don’t they?”

René nodded. “My experiences in Cameroun taught me that Mbida’s ethnic group is not fond of the Bassa people. So, you understand why I think getting rid of this Mbida guy was the right thing to do. All the same, we must not ostracize the other Beti groups or the collective Beti people in the process. They are a strategic asset in our control of that land.”

“You are right about the Beti factor. Andre-Marie Mbida is gone, and now we have our new man as the prime minister there. He would be a lot more useful in serving our designs. If you ask me, getting rid of André-Marie Mbida was the only good thing Jean Ramadier did when he replaced me as the High Commissioner of Cameroun.”

“The bastard! I heard he was planning to lift the ban on the UPC and make it legal again.”

“Had Jean Ramadier succeeded, our entire project in Central Africa would have been put in disarray,” Pierre Messmer said grimly. “In barely three weeks, he managed to set us back years. Legalizing the UPC would have opened the door for our enemies to seize our Cameroun.”

Messmer paused, his expression darkening.

“What's more alarming is that we learned of his intentions almost as soon as he arrived there. The man had maintained exceptionally close relations with Sékou Touré during his tenure as High Commissioner in Guinea. Touré  was already a symbol of anti-colonial defiance throughout French Africa at the time. Once we put the pieces together, it became obvious. Ramadier had to be removed from Cameroun, and quickly.”

“I never trusted the left,” René replied. “That distrust goes back to the Resistance years. Men like Ramadier always place ideology above national interest.”

“A trait he inherited from his father,” Messmer said.

“Like father, like son.”

“Indeed.”

For a moment, Messmer stared into his glass.

“Although,” he said thoughtfully, “the son has gone even further than the father. Paul Ramadier remains a puzzle to me. In 1947, as Prime Minister, he broke with the Communists and expelled their ministers from government. Yet his son seems incapable of drawing such distinctions. He embraces African communists.”

“You have a point there, Mon Commandant.”

Messmer nodded.

“Still, despite all his faults, Jean Ramadier did accomplish one useful thing. He pulled the rug out from under André-Marie Mbida. Beyond that, however, the real work remains before us. Our long-term plans for Cameroun and the rest of French-speaking Africa are far from complete.”

“How is Ahmadou Ahidjo progressing?”

A faint smile crossed Messmer's face.

“Good. Better than expected, in fact. I see you've been keeping up with developments in our Cameroun. So far, he has been serving his purpose admirably.”

“Excellent.”

The room fell silent for a moment.

Then Messmer leaned forward.

“René, we are entering a new age. Across Africa, the colonies and territories are demanding a greater say in their own affairs. They know where they want to go, or at least they think they do. The question is whether they will arrive there under our influence or under someone else's.”

“It must not end as it did in Indochina,” René said sharply. “Today, the communists roam freely across Vietnam.”

“I couldn't agree more. Général Charles de Gaulle shares that view. France is preparing to loosen its grip, but not to abandon its responsibilities. There is a difference.”

Messmer's voice hardened.

“The British seem content to walk away. They grant independence and then turn their backs as if nothing more concerns them. Meanwhile, Soviet influence spreads through Asia and Africa. Nasser challenges the West in Egypt. Ghana speaks the language of non-alignment while entertaining Eastern bloc interests. Burma drifts uncertainly between worlds. Everywhere, Moscow searches for opportunities.”

René exhaled heavily.

“Our leaders showed the same weakness when they allowed Indochina to slip away.”

“Yes,” Messmer replied. “And if we lose our nerve again, Africa may follow. What seems like a ripple today could become a tidal wave tomorrow.”

The words hung in the air.

“Look around us. Nationalist movements are multiplying. The winds of decolonization are gathering strength from Dakar to Brazzaville, from Tunis to Douala. If our Cameroun and Algeria are lost, the consequences will reach far beyond those territories.”

He tapped a finger against the table.

“France has strategic interests in Africa, René. Economic interests. Military interests. Political interests. Once relinquished, they cannot simply be reclaimed. If France wishes to retain influence after we let go of our empire, then the Algerian rebels and the Kamerunian nationalists must be defeated.”

“You're right,” René said, nodding slowly. “During my years in America, I learned an important lesson. The heart of power lies not in ideals but in interests. Wealth, influence, prestige, security, all flow from the ability to identify and defend what matters to you. Nations are no different. Those that cannot protect their interests eventually become subject to the interests of others.”

He leaned back.

“France has immense interests in Africa. Whether we preserve them or surrender them is entirely our choice. That decision cannot be based on sentiment alone. Like it or not, our destinies have become intertwined with those of the francophone territories. We shaped their institutions, their economies, their administration. We are bound together by history.”

Messmer's lips curled into a faint, approving smile.

“I couldn't have said it better.”

René continued, his voice growing more reflective.

“Perhaps history assigns responsibilities to nations just as it does to men. France was drawn into the destiny of these peoples long ago. Through education, infrastructure, law, language, and administration, we helped reshape their societies. Whether one views that legacy with pride or criticism, it cannot simply be erased.”

He looked directly at Messmer.

“To walk away now, pretending no bond exists, would not free us from responsibility. It would merely postpone the consequences.”

Messmer laughed softly and spread his hands.

“René, my friend, you've expressed the matter beautifully. There is both philosophy and strategy in what you've said.”

His eyes gleamed with satisfaction.

“Yes, I like your philosophy very much.”

René nodded with a smile. “Merci, Mon Commandant!”

“I want you by my side in French Cameroun,” Pierre Messmer began, cracked his knuckles, and then continued, “I need someone who can direct the wind while I am away as my duties expand to French West Africa. I see a lot of political developments taking place in Francophone Sub-Saharan Africa by the end of the year. Général Charles De Gaulle, you, I, and a host of other like-minded patriots think we should have the right order and the right Africans in place before we allow the colonies and territories there to become members of the United Nations Organization.”

“You are right.”

“Our purpose should be for the new France,” Pierre Messmer intoned and rested his hand on René’s shoulder.

René nodded. “I agree with you.”

“That’s why I think you have a strong shoulder to lean on,” Pierre Messmer said, dropped his hand and caressed his chin. Then he nodded and added, “I see your focus is on French Cameroun. I cannot count the number of times I told the buffoons who were in power in Paris that the war in our Cameroun is winnable. Very few of the leftist sissies in the past governments believed me. Oh! They disheartened me. I am glad they are gone.”

“I understand your position. Believe me, I do.”

“I have devised a strategy,” Pierre Messmer said, a faint guttural chuckle escaping his throat. “In truth, I look forward to working with you and other loyal patriots to refine and carry it out. Cameroun presents us with a rare opportunity, René, to put into practice the lessons and theories of counterinsurgency warfare forged in Indochina. What we learned in Vietnam need not be lost.”

“How?” René asked, his eyes narrowing with curiosity.

Messmer leaned forward in his chair.

“This is how we shall proceed. Across French Cameroun, we will establish what I call pacification zones. Once those zones are in place, we will sever the link between the civilian population and the rebels hiding in the forests and hills. Villagers scattered across remote hamlets will be relocated to organized roadside settlements within these secured areas. There, they will live under the protection of our troops and of loyal French Cameroonians who accept the authority of France.”

He paused before continuing.

“Without food, intelligence, recruits, or shelter from the local population, the guerrillas will find themselves isolated. Their strength comes from the people. Remove that support, and their resistance will gradually wither. The zones themselves need occupy no more than two percent of the territory. Yet within that small portion of land, we shall concentrate and control the population that sustains the rebellion.”

René stared into his glass.

“We must not lose again,” he said quietly.

Messmer's expression hardened.

“We will not. Defeat is not an option.” He fixed René with an unwavering gaze. “There are many reasons I have chosen you, but above all it is because of your resolve. You possess the determination required to secure victory for France in Cameroun.”

He rose and slowly crossed the room.

“Our mission in Africa is not merely political, René. Nor is it simply a matter of tradition or national interest. Men may explain it in different ways, but I believe it belongs to something larger than ourselves. It rests upon conviction, upon faith in France and her civilizing destiny. Such a belief leaves little room for doubt.”

“I agree with you, Mon Commandant,” René replied.

He reached for the brandy bottle and refilled their glasses. The amber liquid glowed beneath the lamplight.

“Vive la France!” he declared, his words carrying the force of a battlefield cry.

“Vive la France!” Messmer echoed.

He drained his glass in a single swallow. For a moment silence settled between the two Frenchmen. Then, almost instinctively, he began humming the melody of LE CHANT DES PARTISANSChant de la Libération (THE SONG OF THE PARTISANS ― Song of the Liberation) by the Russian-born French singer-songwriter and guitarist Anna Marly, which became the anthem of the French Resistance and the Free French Forces during the dark years of the Second World War. The song had traveled from occupied France to battlefields across Europe, becoming a symbol of defiance, sacrifice, and national redemption.

René recognized the tune at once. His voice joined Messmer's, and together they sang the words that generations of French patriots had carried into struggle:

 

Ami, entends-tu                                       Mate, do you hear

Le vol noir des corbeaux        The dark flight of the crows

Sur nos plaines?                                        Over our plains?

Ami, entends-tu                                       Mate, do you hear

Les cris sourds du pays                        The muffled clamor

Qu'on enchaîne?                           Of enchained countries?          

Ohé! partisans,                                            Hey, partisans,

Ouvriers et paysans,                        Workers and peasants

C'est l'alarme!                                        This is the signal

Ce soir l'ennemi                                   Tonight the enemy

Connaîtra le prix du sang   Will know the price of blood,

Et des larmes!                                                    And tars!

 

Montez de la mine,                                 Join the sabotage,

Descendez des collines,                             Get off the hills,

Camarades!                                                      Comrades!

Sortez de la paille                                Get out of the straw

Les fusils, la mitraille,               The rifles, the grape-shot,

Les grenades...                                         The Grenades…

Ohé! les tueurs,                                                Hey, killers,

A la balle et au couteau,            With a bullet or by knife,

Tuez vite!                                                           Kill swiftly!

Ohé! saboteur,                                              Hey, saboteur,

Attention à ton fardeau:      Pay attention to your burden:

Dynamite!                                                             Dynamite!

 

C'est nous qui brisons                  It's us who are smashing

Les barreaux des prisons                            The prison bars

Pour nos frères,                                        For our brothers,

La haine à nos trousses,                The hatred at our heels,

Et la faim qui nous pousse,  And the hunger that drives us,

La misère...                                                     The misery…

Il y a des pays                                       There are countries

Ou les gens au creux de lits  Where people deep in their beds,

Font des rêves;                                            Weave dreams;

Ici, nous, vois-tu,                                     Here, we, you see,

Nous on marche et nous on tue,            We march, We kill,

Nous on crève.                                                          We die.

 

Ici chacun sait                                   Here everyone knows

Ce qu'il veut, ce qui'il fait    What he wants, what he does

Quand il passe...                              When it takes place…

Ami, si tu tombes                               Mate, if you go down,

Un ami sort de l'ombre            A mate out of the shadows,

A ta place.                                                Takes your place.

Demain du sang noir                      Tomorrow black blood

Séchera au grand soleil       Will be drying under the sun,

Sur les routes.                                                 On the roads,

Sifflez, compagnons,                          Whistle, companions,

Dans la nuit la Liberté                            At night, freedom

Nous écoute...                                        Is listening to us…

 

 

"Merveilleux," René whispered at the final, haunting notes of the song, his head shaking in a slow, hypnotic rhythm. "How it moves us. It was that very fire that drove us to claw back our honor from the Germans."

Pierre Messmer nodded, his knuckles whitening as his grip tightened around his glass until the muscles in his forearm strained. "And now they dare to borrow our ghosts. They call themselves Maquis—as if cloaking themselves in the name of our rural guerrilla bands from the Occupation will somehow launder their treachery into respectability."

"As if there is a single drop of common blood between them and us," René growled, the memory of real sacrifice souring his tongue.

"The vermin," Messmer snarled.

"Merde."

Silence stretched between the two men, heavy and suffocating, until Messmer slammed his glass down, the amber liquid sloshing over the rim.

"Damn the UPC! Damn Um Nyobè! Damn Moumie! Damn Kingué! Damn Ouandie! Damn Osendé Afana!" he exploded, the names tearing from his throat like shrapnel.

Hours later, René stepped out into the crisp Parisian night and into the shadow of the imperial ministry building, a sharp, triumphant smile cutting across his face.

For weeks—ever since his disembarkation from the United States—a gnawing uncertainty had eaten at him. He had spent every waking hour wondering if the Overseas and Defense Ministries would bury him in bureaucracy or, worse, pass him over entirely for the French Cameroun posting. He had needed this. He needed to be the hand that crushed the Cameroonian insurgency once and for all.

And just as despair had threatened to take root, Pierre Messmer had materialized from the smoke-filled halls of power, dropping a high-profile, lethal commission straight into his lap. Trust territory or not, French Cameroun was about to become a battleground—and René was going to lead the charge.

 

 

Book 1 of 2: Compradors Series  

Wednesday, August 12, 2026

Some Top Cameroonians who have written against French neo-colonialism and the abysmal autocratic regime of Paul Biya of Cameroon

 Prominent Cameroonian and international authors, intellectuals, and critics who have famously used their writing to condemn French neocolonialism and the comprador authoritarian regime of Paul Biya, facing exile, imprisonment, and censorship for exposing state oppression and systemic corruption include:

 

Key Writers and Critics

  • Janvier Tchouteu (also writing as Janvier Chouteu-Chando): A prominent Cameroonian author and researcher known for critiquing the long-standing administration of President Paul Biya and examining the structural ties between France and Cameroon's political establishment. His non-fiction works argue that post-independence governance in Cameroon operates as a French-backed system. Author of political non-fiction such as Cameroon: France's Dysfunctional Puppet System in Africa, Cameroon: The Haunted Heart of Africa, and Africa's Shackled Heart, focusing on autocratic longevity and foreign design.
  • Patrice Nganang: A US-based Cameroonian novelist, poet, and literature professor at Stony Brook University who has repeatedly faced arrest and detention for his sharp essays and social media commentary lambasting Paul Biya's autocratic governance and crackdowns.
  • Haman Mana: A journalist and author—noted for his critical publications like In new book: Haman Mana tears Biya regime into pieces—who dissects institutional failures, security crises, and the marginalization of regions under Biya.
  • Achille Mbembe: A world-renowned Cameroonian philosopher and political theorist whose extensive writings on postcolonialism, African sovereignty, and governance heavily critique authoritarian models and ongoing Western/French dominance in Francophone Africa.
  • Mongo Beti: Though passing away in 2001, this legendary Cameroonian novelist and essayist set the foundational tone for decades of anti-imperialist and anti-dictatorial writing, famously targeting both the Ahidjo and early Biya regimes alongside French neo-colonialism in works like Main basse sur le Cameroun.