Thursday, December 20, 2018

Euphoria for a "Revolution" and Truth

Speaking the truth to those who most need to hear it often elicits the wrong response. Revolution is a science. Those who seek to carry it out must think it through carefully, taking into account countless factors. No Western institution has ever developed a sound grasp of it. The fine art of revolution was neither cultivated nor mastered in the West.

In 1997, when the Social Democratic Front (SDF) enjoyed the support of more than 60% of Cameroonians and was nevertheless treated with contempt by the Biya regime and its French backers, some within our ranks believed the party should take up arms. I had just returned home at the time and witnessed these debates firsthand. Yet despite its popularity, the SDF lacked a national idea, a unifying ideology that could serve as a common point of identification for its militants, supporters, sympathizers, and leaders alike.

Those advocating revolution should never dismiss the danger of unintended consequences, particularly when a revolutionary project is poorly conceived or prematurely launched. At the time, the SDF meant different things to different people. It was, in various senses of the expression, a "na wya party" — tribal, linguistic, ethnic, regional, and even national. Such ambiguity constituted a recipe for disaster. Had the party engaged in armed struggle against the system, it could have opened a veritable Pandora's box, unleashing forces far beyond anyone's control.

In short, a revolution requires more than a set of goals. Cameroon, whether considered as a whole or in part, needed a unifying idea or ideal during the democratic and revolutionary phase aimed at dismantling the existing system. This conviction inspired the article below, Terror: Political Weapon, Social Infection, Dehumaniser, which was intended as both a cautionary reflection and a warning.

Before the outbreak of the Anglophone insurgency, the task of developing such a unifying idea was nearing completion. Today, however, reversing the descent into political lethargy brought about by the fragmentation, breakdown of societal norms, lawlessness, and hooliganism West of the River Mungo  due to the amateurism of the Ambazonia insurgency, would require the Herculean engagement of either a revolutionary genius or a madman. This deterioration has benefited the French-imposed system, which was itself nearing political exhaustion. Indeed, the moribund Biya regime has been feeding on the growing anarchy and deriving renewed life from the degeneration taking place in the regions west of the River Mungo, namely the Northwest and Southwest.

Any national or civic-nationalist effort to dismantle the system would face enormous challenges without the meaningful participation of the peoples and territories of the Northwest and Southwest. Such participation can only be secured if Kamerunists (union-nationalists) and federalists, who constitute the majority west of the Mungo, assert themselves and extend a hand to other forces of change in the territories and across Cameroon.



March 2019

I left the SDF in 2002 when John Fru Ndi led the party into what I regarded as a betrayal of the Cameroonian struggle to complete its unfinished liberation. He did so by openly collaborating with the Biya regime and the French-imposed system through the Fru Ndi-Ngwasiri pact. Under this arrangement, the SDF accepted control of local councils and 23 parliamentary seats (13% of the National Assembly), which the regime allowed it to retain despite being the country's most popular political party.

These seats were concentrated largely in the Northwest Province. In doing so, Fru Ndi helped the regime advance its strategy of portraying the SDF as a regional, rather than national, movement. This capitulation by the Fru Ndi faction within the party effectively destroyed the SDF as a national political force and as the perceived successor to the historic UPC. Many civic nationalists, having responded to the calls of Albert Mukong and Dr. Samuel F. Tchwenko, joined the SDF following its launch on May 26, 1990, believing it would become the vehicle through which Cameroon could continue its unfinished struggle for liberation. That promise was ultimately abandoned.

 





Janvier Tchouteu is the author of " The Mistakes To Be Avoided in Building The New Cameroon"

Monday, December 17, 2018

Falling Short: Cameroon's Post-independence Intellectualism

The French-imposed system, the Biya-regime that manages it today, is severely weakened. So it boggles the mind that it is still limping along. We understand the neocolonialist aspect of the system; we understand its interest-driven nature, but on paper, Cameroonians of today are more intellectually prepared to dismantle this anachronistic French-imposed than the pre-independence generations it was imposed on.  So, why are we failing miserably in harnessing our strengths, the opportunities out there, the system’s weaknesses; and why are we failing to comprehend the threats looming in the horizon?

As a young man in the 1990s who was deeply involved with the country's No. 1 political force at the time (SDF) with virginal intentions, full of idealism, as a voracious reader and someone considered by some as having a respectable knowledge of our history, I thought I somehow understood Cameroon and Cameroonians. I was also convinced that the pre-independence generations had somehow been compromised (collaborating with the French-imposed system and surrendering after the UPC-failed resistance). So I thought we(the post-independence generations), would be able to complete the job of ending French-neocolonialism and only needed a unifying ideology that draws from the positive aspects of our past hopes, dreams and our different potentials, a unifying ideology based on Cameroonian nationalism, criticism, and self-criticism. I thought our post-independence intellectuals would be able to furnish that fuel, and so wrote extensively on that hope. Apparently, I was wrong.

A shockingly high percentage of the politically-vocal in our generation of intellectuals is more brainwashed, socially-engineered, and is haunted by a tunnel-vision more than those before us, even though we are more specialized. The old folks used to tell me back in the 1990s at a time that my generation was not actively involved in the struggle for the "New Cameroon" that "…You are ahead of your time". Now I feel like I am behind "the times" or behind my time, like an utopist, vis-a-vis my generation that is now mature and at the forefront in the Cameroonian struggle. In a world where people with differences, and where even the different nationalities, races, countries and religions are harnessing their mutually compatible values, tapping on their collective dreams and forging alliances, we have descended to our basest motives at the core of which is a "Native Mindset" with a political underlining that makes many of us nothing but "Tribalists" or "ethnofascist". In many aspects, some of us have become worse than the Cameroonian compradors---looters and mercenaries that are mismanaging Cameroon using the fascist French-imposed system in a manner that is perhaps even worse than the neocolonialists had expected from their puppets. We are making the pre-independence generations look like saints. It is as if some of the ideas developed in the accounts like the ones below were a waste of time and energy.

The Demanding Task for the Post-Independence Generations 
https://viewsnewcameroon.blogspot.com/2010/08/the-demanding-task-for-post.html

I pray Cameroon’s post-independence intellectuals start comparing their castles in the air with reality. I hope 2019 brings forth that revelation.

Janvier Tchouteu                                                       December 17, 2018




Sunday, December 16, 2018

Anglophone Cameroonians and the Systems of Government they Advocate

Politically, there are four types of Anglophone Cameroonians (indigenous and native-born), or what are the people West of the Mungo in the regions of the Northwest and Southwest in Cameroon:
  • Separatists (which some erroneously call secessionists)---those who want an independent country called Ambazonia from the lands of the former British Southern Cameroons;
  • Unionists, as the French-imposed system under the Biya regime prefers to call its supporters meant as a ruse against Cameroon's genuine nationalism. Unionists are for a unitary or decentralized state;
  •  Federalists (restorationists---those demanding a return to or the restoration of the two-state federation of 1961-1972, and others demanding multiple forms of a federation); 
  • and finally, the Kamerunists or  union-nationalists who are the heirs of Cameroonian civic-nationalism (union-nationalism), the country's advanced patriotism, a genuine and all-inclusive nationalism which advocates the idea of a "New Cameroon" that is a federation, devoid of neocolonialist entanglements, that is pan-Africanist, that is democratic, governed by the rule of law and that is steep in progressive Cameroonian/African values. The union-nationalists adhere to the goals of reunification/independence and honor those who fought/died/voted for it---thereby making them the heirs of the historic UPC of 1948-1970, OK, the historic KNDP of 1954-1961 and the historic SDF of 1990-1997. Union-nationalists consider the foundation of the state of Cameroon to be defective, meaning even the 1961-1972 Cameroon federation, whose crafting excluded the majority ideas and political/civil forces of the land.
A salient understanding has always existed between the Federalists and union-nationalists in the Northwest and Southwest regions of Cameroon.


Janvier Tchouteu is the author of " The Mistakes To Be Avoided in Building The New Cameroon"