Thursday, September 15, 2011

THE DAWN OF THE FOURTH PHASE OF THE STRUGGLE FOR THE NEW CAMEROON:

In 2005/2006, during the Fru Ndi/Ngwasiri and Fru Ndi/Asongwani acrimony, I stated categorically that the SDF was beyond salvage. Here was Fru and Ngwasiri at each other’s throats when in 2002, they conspired to deprive the SDF of its soul (the Union Nationalists and Revolutionaries who never conciliated with the system and who put the general purpose of the struggle far above their personal considerations). I merely echoed my position of 1997 that SDF was committing political suicide and of 2002 that it had finally done so. The party one had put his life on hold for had become a walking corpse because its head (Fru Ndi and his mafia) was rotten. I stated that Fru Ndi’s  open and disguised  involvement with the French-imposed anachronistic system and the  Biya regime  steering the mafia in Cameroon, had become a symbiosis; because  their phoney fight  was actually helping each other  and giving them a sense of relevance  in Cameroon and abroad. Fru Ndi’s hijacked SDF was sustaining the French-imposed system and vice-versa.

The elections in October 2011, is another proof of my point. Today, all the international media  showing some interest in Cameroon talk of incumbent Biya   battling it out with veteran opposition leaders, the most prominent being Fru Ndi. And their line up tells the story. Ndam Njoya. Garga Harman etc.  These are all the children of the system fooling Cameroonians again in another masquerade called elections. France would be there afterwards to congratulate Biya and he would later on pass the baton to another heir chosen by France, in the same manner that he got power from Ahidjo. That is France’s game plan in Cameroon that politicians compromised by the evil system are sustaining.

I see that some genuine advocates of change are still in denial; constrained by ethnic, linguistic, family, religious and friendly ties to these enemies of the people who are making a mockery of the dream of THE NEW CAMEROON. Some of us are still deluding ourselves that something good can come out of Biya, Fru Ndi, Ndam Njoya, etc. No! Nothing good is going to come out of the participants of the October 2011 masquerade called presidential elections.

But something good will come out  for the struggling Cameroonian masses who want peace, prosperity, liberty, development , freedom and dignity. Something good will come out from the masquerade for the post-independence generations, especially the foot soldiers of the Third Phase of The Struggle in the 1990s and those still under their twenties. This is the opportunity for them to make a clean break with the compromised generation of their fathers, a generation that corrupted the Cameroonian soul.

New configurations will emerge after this masquerade. It would be led by Union Nationalists, tested advocates of change who rejected the system, the oppression of the mafia, the deception of Jacques Foccart’s establishments in Cameroon and Africa, De Gaulle’s concept of Africa and the anachronistic system as a whole.

As said a decade ago, the Fourth Phase of The Cameroonian Struggle will start in the second decade of the New Millennium. It will start with the severance of the post-independence generation’s umbilical cord to the evil system. It will start with an alliance between the under 30s and the 30s-50s age groups. The Parlement generation and those who never conciliated in the struggle will lead the struggle.  The Diaspora with its virginal intentions and attachment to the free world will be the base from which a new dawn for Cameroon and Central Africa shall be launched.  But only through an integrated alliance of all the progressive, advanced, united and democratic forces at home and abroad shall the new Cameroon, central Africa and Africa be realised.  It would involve emancipating ourselves from the mental slavery that still sees us preferring to exist in the brainwashed world of the political mafia in place than live in a NEW ERA that makes us the masters of our own brains.



Janvier Tchouteu                                 September 15, 2011




                                                                                  

CAN THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC FRONT (SDF) BE SALVAGED? (The Fru Ndi-Asonganyi split)


The sad thing is that the two sides in this internal conflict in the SDF are focused on scoring points rather than stating their cases in an intellectually honest manner that would help the post-independence generation not to repeat their mistakes. Sadly, also, they are not focused on saving the party by redressing its problems. The SDF is chronically sick, perhaps even terminally. Who is responsible? Both groups are. Who or what path could have saved the party? The path espoused by the revolutionaries or union-nationalists who rejected conciliation with the system in power and who objected to using the SDF for personal benefits. Do I trust either of the Asonganyi or Fru Ndi camps? The answer is: I trust neither.

When did the internal problems in the SDF begin?

It started back in 1993-1994 with the Muna-kamdoum-Asanga led faction that advocated a union government with the ruling CPDM party, a position that was vehemently opposed by the so-called hardliners (revolutionaries and union-nationalists). At the time, Fru Ndi (from a position of moderation) sided with the so-called hardliners. These union-government advocates were found in all the provinces and in the South West province, they were championed by Ndoki Mukete (the 1993-1994 provincial chairman) who was kicked out of his position in midterm reorganization in December 1994 by Tabe-Nyang who himself was bought over by the CPDM in 1997. Even my closest friend (politically) Babilla Frederick with whom I spent two months in detention in 1991 got lured by the wealth and power promised, became a darling of Ben Muna and blatantly betrayed all his family-like political friends.

When the prospects of winning power became dimmer in the mid 1990s, the moderates without the revolutionary zeal, concept of the national idea and integrity as friends of the people, started compromising. That shift became evident following the 1996 council and 1997 parliamentary elections. Those wavering characters with positions of power and influence in the party used those positions to gain wealth. After all, the chairman was doing the same. And strangely enough, the so-called hardliners were despised for dissociating themselves from the malady going on in the party. When they called on Fru Ndi and his clique to account for their actions through an internal debate in 2002, they were branded as enemies of the chairman by the clique.

I would have respected or trusted Asonganyi if he had been overtly critical back in 2002, if he had sided with the genuine exponents of change (the revolutionaries and union-nationalists) who quit the party in despair of Fru-Ndi’s betrayal, revolutionaries and union nationalists whose despair Asonganyi and co are overtly sharing today.

Can the once great SDF be salvaged? No, it cannot. It went down hill for more than a decade to its present terminal stage. Like the historic UPC that was hijacked in 1990 by the renegades, it would also take eternity to salvage the betrayed SDF. That would be in the era of our distant progenies who would likely be having no idea of the purpose of SDF’s creation. That is the harsh reality which those close to me and who have loved me selflessly, have pointed out to me, a logical situation, I have not fully come to terms with.

Janvier Tchouteu

Posted by: Janvier Tchouteu | Monday, 28 November 2005