Saturday, January 3, 2026

Harmonising the anti-Biya/anti-system/civic-nationalist forces in Cameroon




 

Some of us from West of the Mungo and Metazem Rivers speak with so much pride of the advent of AAC I, its evolution, to SCNC,  and eventually its metamorphosis into the Ambazonia project that gained prominence from an "epakay"  of the struggle for "The New Cameroon"(in Anglophone Cameroon) that civic-nationalists had judiciously nurtured for almost two decades, and that Teachers and lawyers launched in 2016. And curiously enough, you and your group do not recognize the fact that you ended up as spoilers, unconscious agents of the system, since your divisive, one-side outlook and approach weakened Anglophone Cameroon and Anglophone Cameroonians, and inadvertently gave a life line to the suffocating system that was heaving out its last breaths (with most pundits convinced at the time that it could not survive beyond 2018).

 

The Biya regime, the French-imposed system that it is cocooned in, got a new lease of life in 1994 and 2016 by wrapping itself around the flag as the establishment trying to keep Cameroon together ( a usurpation of the roles of the civic-nationalist or advanced patriots from the times of the historic  UPC  to the historic SDF of 1990-1997 that had just been bolstered by the migrants from the historic UPC) from your group that was pursuing its goals clueless about history causality, chronology, and analogy, as if Southern Cameroon’s case was unique. How could you guys expect that CPDM people in the government serving as custodians of the system (Ebong Ngolle, etc.)  would work in AACI and SCNC against the establishment; how could you expect   that the early AAC and SCNC,  whose ranks were swollen by “Obvious enemies of the people”, could be for  “Southern Cameroon’s  ‘Reality-defying independence '”

 

I understood the perilous nature of the path you guys were pushing Anglophone Cameroonians toward, knowing that you were undermining civic-nationalism or advanced patriotism of Cameroonians at a time when it was at its strongest, was panicking FrancAfrique, had disarrayed the global mafia, and was championed by the SDF  dominated by civic-nationalists at whose head was an Anglophone. It was after your ill-fated move in 1994 that the SDF started disintegrating, leading to the ascendancy of the pro-Anglophone and collaborationist or union-government factions that eventually turned the once historic SDF into the moribund party that it is today. The scientifically revolutionary and all-embracing civic-nationalists, in their advanced patriotism in Anglophone Cameroon, were regrouping again and taking the lead when your group (Ambazonia), came in again with impossible dreams and untruths or ignorant beliefs, thus polarising the population west of the Metazem and Mungo Rivers---ostracising more than 30% of the population and making more than 60% of the population blacklegs for failing to support you blindly. By saying you, I don’t mean you alone, but the group you identify with.

 

It is 2026, ten years after. It is time to make honest assessments, put away self-delusions, and embrace universal truths; and it is time to think revolutionarily in the classic sense of the word. Divisive actions by narrow-minded people and groups West of the Mungo during the past three decades have robbed us of our moral high ground, made self-destruction the norm, and made our region the most fertile ground for election-rigging and the bastion of the anachronistic French-imposed system  (along with southern Centre Province and South Province). We may have been the biggest contributors to the survival of the system, without knowing it, and you and your Ambozonian pals acted as unconscious agents in that regard.

 

It is 2026:

 

·       We Anglophone Cameroonians need to close our ranks, reconcile, and chart a clear path to the future devoid of illusions or delusions.

·       We Anglophone Cameroonian, irrespective of beliefs, political affiliation, political ideologies, or personal or group goals,  need to denounce anti-school policies, directives, or actions as counter-revolutionary, anti-revolutionary, anti-humanitarian, anti-religious and irrational; we need to forcefully, unequivocally and bluntly  denounce the targeting of civilians, the kidnapping, ransoming, and other forms of harassment (some call it group or individual terrorism) as actions detrimental to the welling our of people West of the Mungo and as being anti-revolutionary, unethical and anti-Africa because it places the Cameroonian perpetrators alongside forces like the Plot Pot’s Khmer Rouge, Shining Path, FARC, Lord’s Resistance Army etc.; we Anglophone Cameroonians need our own “Truth and Reconciliation” Commission to get ourselves out of the victimhood mindset and acknowledge the fact that we (our leaders, politicians, elders, and elites) contributed and are contributing to the sustenance of this dehumanizing French-imposed system; and we need to realizing that self-redemption this year because we are running out of time in our and Cameroon’s social engineering.

·       We Anglophone Cameroonians need to rebuild the NW and SW (infrastructure and lives of the people), and it starts with you guys rendering a mea culpa and extending a hand of cooperation to all the committed forces for our part of Cameroon.

·       And it starts with you guys finding a common ground, not for the project of “Independence” but for reaching out to other Anglophone Cameroonians and other Cameroonians who hold no malice towards us.

 

The list of what we need to do is exhaustive, since we are a potpourri of fervent intentions and beliefs (not all of which are justified).

 

What we should be intelligent enough to understand is that those who oppose or claim to oppose the system, yet engage in terrorising acts against the people, are helping to fuel the establishment/system/Biya-regime’s state terrorism.

 

In a nutshell, it would be foolhardy to lie to ourselves ten years after we began the compassless journey to nowhere.  We all need to be critical and self-critical, accept the errors of our ways while never relenting in opposing, condemning and rejecting ths values of the French-imposed system, the Biya-regime, its custodians and collaborators (some of who come from our midsts); we need to get to that emancipated self to redeem our society and external a hand of coopeation to other Cameroonians inorder to realize that solid, united, and powerful bloc that would diamantle the anachronistic system in Cameroon an found the “New Cameroon”  that has been the battle cry of patriotic, civic-nationalist, and noble Cameroonians during the past seven decades.

 

 


CAMEROON: The Haunted Heart of Africa

Friday, January 2, 2026

Day of Cameroon's Independence and Hijack of a Nation

 




 

 

Chapter Twenty-Two

 

 

 

January 01, 1960

 

 

 

 

 

The new country was born on a Friday, but it happened to be a day recognized elsewhere in the world as a very popular public holiday. Camerounians, as the inhabitants of the land were now called, were expected to feel like the new independence meant they were finally free from the control, support, influence, aid or dictates of France. But that was not the case. The majority of the people of the land woke up that morning convinced that they had not won the liberation they had risked their lives for. The new establishment chose to call the country La Republique du Cameroun, meaning “The Republic of Cameroun” in English. And it was the first day of January 1960. This new country constituted three-quarters of the land surface of the German colony that was called Kamerun back in 1911. Whatever the interpretation of that day of independence, there was supposed to be nationwide jubilation. However, the majority of former German Kamerunians and their descendants in the territories that now constituted La Republique du Cameroun, and British Cameroons (British Southern Cameroons and British Northern Cameroons) began the new year with trepidation. The dream of the reunification of their partitioned land had not been realized and two political realities now seemed to be forming right in front of their eyes.

In British Cameroons, especially the southern portion called British Southern Cameroons, the popular pro-unification political party called Kamerun National Democratic Party (KNDP) under the leadership of John Ngu Foncha reigned supreme. But it did so in alliance with One Kamerun (OK), formed in 1957 by Albert Mukong and the veteran British-Cameroonian-born UPCist Ndeh Ntumazah. For the autonomous British Southern Cameroonian government under the moderate prime minister John Ngu of the KNDP, the call for celebrations was a gesture to the new country that he was prepared to deal with its government irrespective of the nature of the way it worked itself to power. However, supporters of OK looked at it as a reiteration of their commitment to the cause to reunite the two lands and free them from the control of the colonial powers, and as a commitment to their UPC allies in their partisan war against the establishment in the new country. In Victoria, Buea, Kumba, Muyuka, Tombel, Bamenda, Kumbo, Santa, Tiko, and Mamfe, the sounds of celebration mingled in the air with voices of opposition.

Meanwhile, in the newly independent country, there was no pageantry. In the north, the people hardly knew what was going on, while confused voices of celebration and rejection made the day in the southern half. In Douala, Nkongsamba, Bafoussam, Eseka, Edea, Kribi, Ebolowa, Bafia, Bafang, Dschang, Mbouda, Foumban, Mbanga, Loum, Manjo, Obala, Monatele and other UPC strongholds where anti-French and anti-Ahidjo feelings ran high, the people carried on with their daily activities as if it was just another day in their lives.  Only in the bars and in social gatherings were curious voices heard, exchanging views on what it was all about.

In Accra, the capital of the independent state of Ghana, the UPC leadership in exile met and resolved to continue the partisan war not only against the French Army that had been increasing its presence in the land but also against the first Camerounian president Ahmadou Ahidjo, whom they considered a lackey of the right-wing political leadership in France. Ruben Um Nyobé’s successor, Dr. Félix Moumié insisted that the UPC redoubled its effort in British Cameroons and worked with the pro-reunification parties there to drive home the reunification agenda that now meant reunification with La Republique du Cameroun. The party leadership made finishing touches to the historic document entitled “POSITION DE L’UPC vis-à-vis de l’Indépendence DU KAMERUN”. Disappointed though most of them were, Félix Moumié somehow succeeded indriving home the point that they managed to nudge France into relaxing its hold on French Cameroun, and that other Africans and other colonial peoples stood to benefit from the independence drive. He viewed this future new force of independent African countries as potential allies that they would be able to count on in their fight against the duplicity of France led by General Charles De Gaulle. All, the same, the UPC members left the meeting that day particularly worried about what they dubbed “The Colonial Pact”, a loop-sided socio-economic-political agreement that France signed with Ahmadou Ahidjo late that December 1959, giving the European power exclusive rights over the land. However, no Kamerunian political figure knew the details or the fine print of that document, even Ahmadou Ahidjo himself, even though he signed it.

Like the rest of the UPC strongholds, Banganté also celebrated the granting of independence to French Cameroon in a subdued manner. However, the teenagers and their younger friends and siblings thought it was all about freedom and took the opportunity to dance and play in the streets. Despite the misgivings he was having about the whole development, Joseph Njike did not stop his children from celebrating the day. He even bought them drinks and candies to share with their friends, and he even gave his first three children extra money to spend that day. But as he watched Gavin sing and dance in the street, he could not shake off his pensive mood that had been lingering all day. He worried about British Cameroons. He could not figure out what French President Charles De Gaulle’s military strategy in the land was all about, and  he wondered whether France could be having a secret game plan for the new country.

Jean-Pierre Ribery decided to see the reaction of the people on the streets of the capital city of Yaoundé, a place he considered to be of low-energy when it came to political activism vis-à-vis other population centers like Douala, Nkongsamba, Edea, Mbanga, and Bafoussam when it came to the liberation cause espoused by the UPC. He drove across the capital city from North to South, then from East to West, before heading to the French bar where he was supposed to meet with Clement. The American welcomed him like a long-lost brother and then called a waiter over.

“Lunch and something to drink for the two of us.”

“I won’t eat, but a drink will do.”

“Come, on, Jean-Pierre,” Clement urged.

“I had a bite while driving around and I am in no mood to eat now.”

“You told me the food here tastes great.”

Jean-Pierre acceded, but he stood his ground, forcing Clement to relent and eat alone. The friends said very little to each other for more than half an hour. However, Jean-Pierre asked for his third drink while Clement was emptying his first glass of wine.

“What is going on?” Clement asked finally.

“The people did not buy it?”

“Buy what.”

“This independence charade.”

Clement was thoughtful for a moment. “I guess that means nothing stops.”

“Business as usual, as you Americans like to say.”

“Worrisome.”

“Uh-huh! I never told you that Ahidjo’s Union Camerouniase was formed by one of our own.”

“The ruling party, you mean?”

“Uh-huh! The founder of the Union Camerouniase is a colon in the Mungo region, in a place called Njombe.”

“Huh!”

“You see, the right-wing gave the party to Ahidjo to thwart the efforts of the UPC, to get the commitment of the Fulani-dominated population of North Cameroun to their side, and more especially, to give the Fulani or Peul people a substantial stake in our plan of control for Cameroon.”

“And the people don’t buy this control plan, you said.”

“Uh-huh! One of my friends in the administration told me of plans to make the Fulani and Beti peoples our exclusive partners in the political control of French Cameroun. That was a year ago. His sobriety was fairly compromised at the time, but those were not words that could come off the top of a drunk’s head if it were not true, if he had not committed it to memory because of its seriousness. Yes, my friend; we intend to indirectly control this territory by excluding more than seventy percent of the population on the grounds of their ethnicity.”

“Can they do that and get away with it?”

“Uh-huh. That would mean defeating the UPC completely. That would mean crushing the partisans to the last man. It is going to be bloody.”

“What is the overriding purpose?”

“That, I think, I finally found out. They are trying to prevent a repeat of Guinea. They are trying to expunge any base of civic-nationalism that a UPC win would create in Cameroun because they see such a base as a threat to their selfish control of the rest of Francophone Africa. That is their fear, my friend. And when a man operates out of fear instead of reasoning, he fails to see opportunities in a mutually-respectable relationship between the peoples of Cameroun and France. Such a man can do anything.  De Gaulle has that fear, which he parades around as confidence.”

Clement took a deep breath. “How does that translate into military actions?”

“It is obvious, my friend,” Jean-Pierre said, took a slug of his drink, put the half-empty glass down on the table with a bang and then heaved a sigh.

“What is obvious?”

“War, war, and more war. My country fooled Ahidjo into signing a pact that allows France to have a base here and increase the size of its forces in this land multiple times. We have trapped this land for eternity, and this is going to be a war France cannot lose.”

“Why?” Clement questioned in a voice that sounded more like an exclamation.

“My friend; I never believed them when I first heard it. You see, many of our people here talk of civilizing the Cameroonian natives, and they are backed by an establishment in Paris that still has Vichy underlining. These people lack the cultured personality that true enlighteners should possess. I think a lot of our civilizing postures are a façade because underneath our drive here in Africa is the uniquely uncouth French nature made famous by some of our well-known personalities. I am talking about our basic instincts which drive us to defy legality and constraints; I am talking about basic instincts that compel us to enjoy a life of adultery and gourmandism for which we are famous.”

“I guess nothing can be done.

“So far, nothing can be done. Unless the Camerounian veterans of the Second World War get involved in the fighting, unless the exiled leadership of the UPC brings the fight back home. If not —”

“If not, then what.”

“The revised plan of pacification would be implemented. French military forces here would quadruple and the Bassaland would be annihilated. My job, our job, is to expose their game plan. To do so, you need to work with other foreign journalists who do not form a part of the media working with our Western governments. You need to meet with Charles van der Lanoitte.”

“The Belgian who lives in Douala?”

“Yes. You wanted to report on Cameroun. Go down to Douala without delay; but be careful.”

“What about you?”

“I am working on a book, Clement. It would be detailed.”

Clement took a deep breath. He knew he had to go. He was sure René Roccard would be there too.

 

 

By orchestrating its game plan that resulted in the birth of a new state called La Republique du Cameroun instead of reuniting French Cameroun and British Cameroons before granting them joint independence as demanded by the majority of the peoples of the territories, France carried out a brilliant coup that ensured its continuous hegemony over the land. However, it was also in direct contravention of the stated goal of the League of Nations and its successor the United Nations Organization. As predicted by many Cameroonian pundits, the countries of the world reacted to this game plan based on the sides they considered themselves a part of in the broiling cold war between the Western alliance led by the United States of America  and the Eastern alliance led by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) otherwise called The Soviet Union. France, its Western Allies, and their client states, who formed the majority of the countries at the United Nations Organization in 1960, supported the so-called independence of French Cameroun and the other French colonies that France granted nominal independence to that year; the so-called Non-Aligned countries supported the idea of independence because many of them saw it as a step forward, away from colonialism in all its forms; meanwhile, the rest of the world, including the eastern-bloc countries and China, viewed it as a tragic step that could be unturned with time.