Thursday, December 20, 2018

Euphoria for a "Revolution" and Truth

Saying the truth to those who need it the most often gets the wrong reception. Revolution is a science that those wanting to carry it out need to think it through, taking into account so many factors. No Western institution has a good grasp of it. The fine art of it was never developed in the West nor mastered there. Back in 1997, at a time that our SDF had more than 60% support in Cameroon and the system(Biya regime and France) was treating it with disdain, at a time that I was just back home, some of our people thought the SDF should pick up arms. Despite its popularity, the SDF lacked a national idea, a unifying ideology that all those who militated in, supported, sympathized with or led it could identify as a rallying or sobering source.

Advocates for a revolution should never dismiss the aspect of "unintended consequences" arising from an abortive revolution, especially one that is not well formulated. The SDF at the time was different things to different peoples. It was “na wya party" in different senses (tribal, linguistic, ethnic, regional, national, etc)of the phrase, hence a recipe for the worst (the unleashing of the Pandora's box) in a situation where it engaged in an armed struggle against the system. 

In a nutshell, a revolution needs more than just goal(s). Cameroon, whether as a whole or a part of it needed a unifying idea or ideal in the democratic/revolutionary phase meant to finally bring down the system. Hence the article below entitled " TERROR: POLITICAL WEAPON, SOCIAL INFECTION, DEHUMANISER:", meant as a caution, or call it a warning cry. That task of coming up with a unifying idea was close to completion before the insurrection in Anglophone Cameroon. Now, it requires a genius or a madman to reverse this descent into political lethargy and other things, which are all to the benefit of the French-imposed system that is almost comatose. In fact, the moribund system under the Biya regime is feeding off the growing anarchy and getting a lease of life from the degeneration in the regions  West of the River Mungo called the Northwest and Southwest.


And it would be a difficult task in any national and civic-nationalist endeavor to dismantle the system without considerable participation of the land and peoples of the Northwest and Southwest regions. That can only happen with the Kamerunist (union-nationalists) and federalists, who are the majority West of the Mungo, exerting themselves and extending a hand to the other forces of change in the rest of Cameroon.

March 2019

I quit the SDF in 2002 when Fru Ndi led the SDF in betraying the ideals of the Cameroonian struggle to complete its unfinished liberation by openly collaborating with the Biya regime and the French-imposed system through the Fru Ndi/Ngwasiri pact with the system  to accept the councils and 23 parliamentary (13%) seats the regime allowed the SDF to keep, even though the SDF was  the most popular political party in the country. Those seats were predominantly in the Northwest, hence Fru Ndi helped the regime/system in the game plan to tag the SDF as a regional party or a Northwest party, a capitulation by the Fru Ndi mafia in the SDF that effectively killed the party as a national party and perceived successor of the historic UPC  that the civic-nationalists who had joined the party projected  it to be.




Janvier Tchouteu is the author of " The Mistakes To Be Avoided in Building The New Cameroon"

Monday, December 17, 2018

Falling Short: Cameroon's Post-independence Intellectualism

The French-imposed system, the Biya-regime that manages it today, is severely weakened. So it boggles the mind that it is still limping along. We understand the neocolonialist aspect of the system; we understand its interest-driven nature, but on paper, Cameroonians of today are more intellectually prepared to dismantle this anachronistic French-imposed than the pre-independence generations it was imposed on.  So, why are we failing miserably in harnessing our strengths, the opportunities out there, the system’s weaknesses; and why are we failing to comprehend the threats looming in the horizon?

As a young man in the 1990s who was deeply involved with the country's No. 1 political force at the time (SDF) with virginal intentions, full of idealism, as a voracious reader and someone considered by some as having a respectable knowledge of our history, I thought I somehow understood Cameroon and Cameroonians. I was also convinced that the pre-independence generations had somehow been compromised (collaborating with the French-imposed system and surrendering after the UPC-failed resistance). So I thought we(the post-independence generations), would be able to complete the job of ending French-neocolonialism and only needed a unifying ideology that draws from the positive aspects of our past hopes, dreams and our different potentials, a unifying ideology based on Cameroonian nationalism, criticism, and self-criticism. I thought our post-independence intellectuals would be able to furnish that fuel, and so wrote extensively on that hope. Apparently, I was wrong.

A shockingly high percentage of the politically-vocal in our generation of intellectuals is more brainwashed, socially-engineered, and is haunted by a tunnel-vision more than those before us, even though we are more specialized. The old folks used to tell me back in the 1990s at a time that my generation was not actively involved in the struggle for the "New Cameroon" that "…You are ahead of your time". Now I feel like I am behind "the times" or behind my time, like an utopist, vis-a-vis my generation that is now mature and at the forefront in the Cameroonian struggle. In a world where people with differences, and where even the different nationalities, races, countries and religions are harnessing their mutually compatible values, tapping on their collective dreams and forging alliances, we have descended to our basest motives at the core of which is a "Native Mindset" with a political underlining that makes many of us nothing but "Tribalists" or "ethnofascist". In many aspects, some of us have become worse than the Cameroonian compradors---looters and mercenaries that are mismanaging Cameroon using the fascist French-imposed system in a manner that is perhaps even worse than the neocolonialists had expected from their puppets. We are making the pre-independence generations look like saints. It is as if some of the ideas developed in the accounts like the ones below were a waste of time and energy.

The Demanding Task for the Post-Independence Generations 
https://viewsnewcameroon.blogspot.com/2010/08/the-demanding-task-for-post.html

I pray Cameroon’s post-independence intellectuals start comparing their castles in the air with reality. I hope 2019 brings forth that revelation.

Janvier Tchouteu                                                       December 17, 2018




Sunday, December 16, 2018

Anglophone Cameroonians and the Systems of Government they Advocate

Politically, there are four types of Anglophone Cameroonians (indigenous and native-born), or what are the people West of the Mungo in the regions of the Northwest and Southwest in Cameroon:
  • Separatists (which some erroneously call secessionists)---those who want an independent country called Ambazonia from the lands of the former British Southern Cameroons;
  • Unionists, as the French-imposed system under the Biya regime prefers to call its supporters meant as a ruse against Cameroon's genuine nationalism. Unionists are for a unitary or decentralized state;
  •  Federalists (restorationists---those demanding a return to or the restoration of the two-state federation of 1961-1972, and others demanding multiple forms of a federation); 
  • and finally, the Kamerunists who are the heirs of Cameroonian civic-nationalism (union-nationalism), the country's advanced patriotism, a genuine and all-inclusive nationalism which advocates the idea of a "New Cameroon" that is a federation, devoid of neocolonialist entanglements, that is pan-Africanist, that is democratic, governed by the rule of law and that is steep in progressive Cameroonian/African values. The union-nationalists adhere to the goals of reunification/independence and honor those who fought/died/voted for it---thereby making them the heirs of the historic UPC of 1948-1970, OK, the historic KNDP of 1954-1961 and the historic SDF of 1990-1997. Union-nationalists consider the foundation of the state of Cameroon to be defective, meaning even the 1961-1972 Cameroon federation, whose crafting excluded the majority ideas and political/civil forces of the land.
A salient understanding has always existed between the Federalists and union-nationalists in the Northwest and Southwest regions of Cameroon.


Janvier Tchouteu is the author of " The Mistakes To Be Avoided in Building The New Cameroon"

Monday, November 26, 2018

Les Chefs d'État les plus anciens en Afrique et le reste du monde



Rang
Nom
Pays
Au Pouvoir
Début du Mandat
Durée du Mandat
1
Paul Biya
 Cameroun
Premier Ministre, puis Président
30 Juin 1975
43 ans
2
Teodoro Obiang Nguema
Mbasogo
Guinée Équatoriale
Président[1]
3 Août 1979
38 ans
3
Ali Khamenei
Iran
Président, puis Chef Suprême
13 Octobre 1981
36 ans
4
Denis Sassou Nguesso
 République du Congo
Président
25 Octobre 1997
18 ans
5
Hun Sen
 Cambodge
Premier Ministre[2]
14 Janvier 1985
33 ans
6
Yoweri Museveni
 Uganda
Président
29 Janvier 1986
32 ans
7
Nursultan Nazarbayev
Kazakhstan
Première Secrétaire et, puis Président
22 Juin 1989
29 ans
8
Omar al-Bashir
Soudan
Président[3]
30 Juin 1989
29 ans
9
Idriss Déby
Tchad
Président[4]
2 Décembre 1990
27 ans
10
Isaias Afwerki
Érythrée
Président[5]
27 Avril 1991
27 ans
11
Emomali Rahmon
 Tadjikistan
Président
19 Novembre 1992
25 ans
12
Paul Kagame
 Rwanda
Président
19 Juillet 1994
24 ans
13
Alexander Lukashenko
 Belarus
Président
20 Juillet 1994
24 ans
14
Milo Đukanović
Montenegro
Premier Ministre, puis Président
02/15/1991-11/25/2002 et                01/08/2003-11/10/2006  et                 02/29/2008-12/29/2010   et                05/20/2018– present  
22 ans
15
Mahathir Mohamad
Malaysie
Premier Ministre
07/16/1981- 10/31/2003  et                 05/10/2018 – present
22 ans
16
Daniel Ortega
Nicaragua
President
03/04/1981-04/25/ 1990  et  01/10/2007 – present
20 ans
17
Tuilaepa Aiono Sailele Malielegaoi
Samoa
Premier Ministre
23 Novembre 1998
19 ans
17
Abdelaziz Bouteflika
Algérie
Président
27 Avril 1999
19 ans
18
Ismaïl Omar Guelleh
 Djibouti
Président
8 Mai 1999
19 ans
19
Vladimir Putin
 Russie
Président[10]
9 Août 1999
19 ans
20
Keith Mitchell
Grenada
Premier Ministre
06/22/1995-  07/09 2008 et
02/20/2013- present
18 ans
21
Hage Geingob
Namibie
Premier Ministre, puis Président
03/21/1990-08/ 28/2002 et
12/04/2012- – present
18 ans
22
Basharal-Assad
 Syrie
Président
17 Juillet 2000
18 ans
23
Joseph Kabila
République Democratique du Congo
Président
17 Janvier 2001
17 ans
24
Ralph Gonsalves
Saint Vincent-et-les-Grenadines
Premier Ministre
29 Mars 2001
17 ans
25
Barnabas Sibusiso Dlamini
Swaziland
Premier Ministre
07/26/1996-09/29/ 2003    et
10/23/2008 – présent
17 ans
26
Dési Bouterse
Suriname
Président
02/25/1980-01/25/ 1988 et
08/12/ 2010 – present
15 ans
27
Recep Tayyip Erdoğan
 Turkey
Premier Ministre, puis Président
14 Mars 2003
15 ans
28
Ilham Aliyev
 Azerbaijan
Premier Ministre, puis Président[12]
4 Août 2003
15 ans
29
Shavkat Mirziyoyev
 Ouzbékistan
Premier Ministre, puis Président
11 Décembre 2003
14 ans
30
Sheikh Hasina
Bangladesh
Premier Ministre
06/23/1996-07/15/ 2001 et 01/06/2009 – présent
14 ans
31
Roosevelt Skerrit
 Dominica
Premier Ministre
8 Janvier 2004
14 ans
32
Mahmoud Abbas
Palestine
Premier Ministre, puis Président
03/19/2003- 09/06/2003
01/15/2005 – present
12 ans
33
Lee Hsien Loong
 Singapore
Premier Ministre
12 Août 2004
13 ans
34
Tommy Remengesau
Palau
Président
01/01/2001-01/15/2009 et
01/17/ 2013 – présent
13 ans
35
Faure Gnassingbé
 Togo
Président[15]
4 Mai 2005
13 ans
36
Salva Kiir Maiardit
Soudan du Sud
Président[16]
30 Juillet 2005
13 ans
37
Pierre Nkurunziza
 Burundi
Président
26 Août 2005
13 ans
38
Angelina Merkel
Allemande
Chancelier Fédéral
22 Novembre 2005
12 ans
39
Evo Morales
Bolivie
Président
22 Janvier 2006
12 ans
40
Benjamin Netanyahu
Israel
Premier Ministre
06/18/1996-07/0 6/1999   et
03/31/ 2009 – present
12 ans
41
Viktor Orban
Hongrie
Premier Ministre
07/06/1998 – 05/27/2002  et
05/29/2010 – present
12 ans
41
Doris Leuthard
Suisse
Membre du Conseil Fédéral, autrefois Président
1 Août 2006
11 ans
42
Frank Bainimarama
Fiji
P résident par intérim puis Premier Ministre
05/29/2000-07/13/ 2000 
 et
12/5/2006 – present
11 ans
43
Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedow
Turkménistan
Président
21 Decembre 2006
11 ans
44
Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta
Mali
Premier Ministre, puis Président
02/04/1994-02/15/2000 et
09/04/2013 – present
10 ans
45
Bako Sahakyan
Artsakh (ancienne République du Haut-Karabakh)
Président
7 Septembre2007
10 ans
46
Alassane Ouattara
Côte d'Ivoire
Premier Ministre, puis Président
11/07/1990-11/ 9/ 1993  et 12/04/2010- present (2nd time)
10 ans
47
Dean Barrow
Belize
Premier Ministre
8 Février 2008
10 ans
48
Dmitry Medvedev
Russie
Président, puis Premier Ministre
07 Mai 2008
10 ans