CAMEROON SHALL BE FREE

True the world has changed. Changed in the sense that since September 11,2001, the world can no longer afford to turn a blind eye to destabilizing enemies of the people, whether as racists, religious fanatics, anti-Semites, ethno-centrists, ideological fanatics or brutal dictators who come up with social orders that need to imprison, torture and impoverish the best brains of the countries they are repressing. Their presence or even control of power for a limited time is an affront to humanity. The social orders such enemies of the people create are profoundly wrong, making it the responsibility not only of the citizens of the country, but also of the world at large to ensure that these evil dictators are deprived of the power and means to continue oppressing their people and making the world unsafe for mankind.

Good the world is taking a stand. There was Manuel Noriega of Panama, and yesterday, we had Saddam Hussein and Charles Taylor. It should continue. But then, the drive to rid the world of these enemies of the people who cannot be rid of by the people they have held hostage, should be an impartial global responsibility.

This is the moment for a credible opposition led by Cameroonian union-nationalists to press hard on the French-imposed system that is being led today by the Biya regime. The Biya-regime has exhausted its political options of deceit, election rigging, kleptomania and ethno-centrism. The fact that it has misruled Cameroon for twenty years and presided over the worst brain-drain rate in Africa is an insult to the progressive nature of Cameroonians. The system as a whole and the Biya regime in particular has caused the replacement of the great Cameroonian optimism with despair and cynicism instead. That leaves Cameroonians with the task of giving the regime in power the final push so that the stinking corpse of the anachronistic French-imposed system should be buried once and for ever, and so that for the first time in the history of our potentially great nation, Cameroonians would be able to choose their leaders and let the nation take its merited place in Central Africa, Africa and the world of progressive nations. Just like Iraq, Cameroon shall one day be free; and just like Saddam, Biya shall go. People never stick their necks to the end for an absentee dictator. Just like Saddam who faked a referendum, scoring 99%, Biya's efficient election rigging machinery, which gives him overwhelming victory even before ballots are cast, will be smashed, and the extent of the falsehood of his rule and the malicious intent of his foreign patrons shall be fully revealed for the rest of the world to see.

We should always remember that Chirac once said that "What Africa needs is food and not democracy", leaving progressive-minded people of the world to wonder whether democracy is the preserve of the French, or the wealthy, or Europeans etc. France should stop backing dictators, especially in Africa and allow the return of Africa’s exiles so that they can work with other progressive minded Africans to start the hard and merciless task of moving Africa into this century.

But then, Cameroonians, should know that our collective salvation rests only in a total and complete commitment to the betrayed dreams of our forefathers, the unifying idea of Kamerunism otherwise known as union-nationalism that embraces all Cameroonians, irrespective of ethnicity, tribe, religion and race, a unifying ideal that aligns the Cameroon destiny with the progressive path of a free and integrated Africa which is committed to the universal values of human rights, progress and social solidarity.

JanvierTchouteu                                           September 01, 2002

Disciples of Fortune

by Janvier Chouteu-Chando

Afterthought: December 29, 2010:

True exponents of change have been observing the recent confidence and audacity of the Biya regime in its latest foray into the Northwest province and the humiliating posturing of known leaders from this honorable province of change, leading the struggling masses and advocates of change in the province feeling that they have been completely deserted. We have also been observing the increasing number of presidential hopefuls that make pundits wonder if they understand what the struggle is all about. In fact, one would be tempted to borrow from Che Guevara in his observation that “the problem with Africans is incomprehension.”

 

It is mind-boggling imagining  that   change can be realized in Cameroon under the current setup of a decrepit opposition, the best-rigging machinery the world has ever produced (the French imposed anachronistic system under the stewardship of  Paul Biya) that disenfranchises  more than half of its population before elections, prevents more than half of the registered voters from voting, ensures multiple voting for its supporters, prevents the opposition from having  representatives in  most of the polling booths and acts at will in multiplying  the vote tallies at the booth, district, divisional, provincial(regional) and  national levels. And when the election masquerade is over, France as usual would be there to congratulate Biya, thereby leading the international effort for the regime’s legitimization.

 

We are about to get into the next decade of the New Millennium. The conflagration of forces, time, and destiny is on the side of advocates of change. The New Cameroon would be born in this decade. But it would be a hard and merciless struggle. It would need an effective organization, dedicated leadership, a spirited population, a united purpose, a national ideal, knowledge of our history, and reconciliation with our past to make the change less costly. It would involve dismantling the system. That calls for undivided ranks in the opposition. We should start 2011 building-up resolve, clearly defining a strategy, identifying our goals, and clearly identifying the camps. Indispensable in the effort are purposeful debates, progressive alliances, and an effective PR.

 

The New Cameroon will be born on the shoulders of the post-independence generations, the Parlement age-group, and especially on the feet and voices of the post 1990-generation.

Janvier Tchouteu 

The Mistakes To Be Avoided in Building The New Cameroon

by Janvier Tchouteu,

HEROES FROM STRANGE QUARTERS—my unknown Kumba friend (the Tabenyang/Ndoki Mukete drama)

 

In the aftermath of the 1992 Presidential Elections won by the "Union For Change" candidate John Fru Ndi of the Social Democratic Front (SDF), which saw the system proclaim incumbent Paul Biya as the winner instead and then suppressed the opposition by placing John Fru Ndi under house arrest, arresting top opposition officials in a sweep where some of them managed to escape including Dr. Samuel Tchwenko (considered the SDF's top ideologue at the time, the  weaver of the flow of SDF's financing, and the person most responsible for convincing opposition elites in the West and Littoral provinces to sway their populations to the SDF, and who at the time was the Southwest provincial Chairman who implanted the SDF in the province and achieved the Herculean task of reconciling Northwestern and Southwestern political elites in the Southwest province and convincing Southwesterners that Fru Ndi was different from yesteryears political elites of the Northwest province who margialized Southwesterners in the former West Cameroon Federation), the system made tentative moves for dialogue, using Chemfor as the person to make contact with Dr. Samuel F. Tchwenko (the second most influential person in the SDF at the time and the chief orchestrator of the above achievements), who himself was on the run. Fru Ndi told Dr. Tchwenko whose clinic had been burnt down by government agents the year before, that he had trust in him and that he should go ahead and represent the SDF party.  Tchwenko left with his delegation made up of Charles Nkwanyuo, Evaristus Foupoussi, and Louis Shalo, and met with the CPDM delegation led by the former Prime Minister Sadou Hayatou and the system's businessman and dealmaker Omgba Damase.

In a nutshell, the system offered Dr. Samuel F. Tchwenko the post of prime minister in a union government with the CPDM, where he would choose his ministers except for certain ministries. Biya would stay as president and "not be touched". And Sadou Hayatou and Omgba Damase pledged to compensate him—Tchwenko for his clinic that the ruling party's thugs burnt down in 1991, apologizing about their agents not following instructions.  Sadou Hayatou said those proposals were the package deal he had been told to present and that he had no powers to negotiate on SDF’s demands presented by Tchwenko that spelt a way forward without Paul Biya and the CPDM being the primary authority. Hayatou said he would get back with his boss; and that was how the talks ended.

Tchwenko, returned, submitted his report to the party, warning that the cause espoused by the SDF was on a collision course with the system whose inner machinations made it so anti-people that it would be suicidal to conciliate with it. It turned out that there were many in the SDF (the non-revolutionary) who saw Tchwenko’s rejection of the regime’s offer of a union or unity government as a missed opportunity that could be gained through political machinations. There were many in the SDF whose ambitions to hold ministerial and other top-rewarding administrative positions in the system superseded the far-reaching goals of change and the New Cameroon that the vast majority of Cameroonians wanted. That was the beginning of the infighting that has gripped the SDF ever since, which saw its leadership spending more time fighting among themselves than against the system; and which gradually saw it moving away from the revolutionary path to the pathetic position it is today.

In 1993/1994, a faction in the SDF that advocated a union-government with the system started making itself felt. It was led by Siga Asanga (the Secretary General), Kamdoum, ( the Centre provincial chairman etc). In the Southwest province, they were led by Ndoki Mukete (the new provincial chairman). When their activities were uncovered, the SDF leadership decided to act. Siga Asanga, Kamdoum etc lost their positions following voting at NEC’s disciplinary committee. A decision was also  made at NEC to reorganize some of the party’s structures that had been greatly infiltrated by this group, including the provincial executive of the Southwest province that Ndoki Mukete headed. Ndoki Mukete did a good job of concealing the reason for the reorganization, convincing many in areas like Kupe-Manengouba, Ndian, Meme etc, that those opposing him (Tabenyang was the one leading the opposition backed by the anti-union-government faction in Limbe) were the ones who wanted to join the Biya government. His campaign was effective until the last hour(s) when last-minute sensitization of the delegates opened the eyes of many to the drama. Ndoki Mukete and his group lost the elections in the Southwest province to a team with Tabenyang at its head.

Limbe was held the most responsible for Ndoki Mukete’s loss. Many in his team thought I had a great deal to answer for Ndoki’s defeat to the point of attacking me physically in an assault led by a 6.6 foot (2 metres) guy from Kumba who virtually had muscles popping out everywhere on his body. But many people rushed to my defense and I walked away unharmed that day. The utterances of the detractors that day were serious eye-openers.

A couple of months later, I found myself visiting Kumba and walking the street when a voice kept calling “Grand, grand...grand, grand!” I finally turned around to find that the fellow seeking the attention of my ears was the 2-meter Ndoki Mukete bodyguard, or aide, or whatever;and he was getting up on his feet on the verandah of what  I supposed was his home. I stopped, bracing myself for the worst.

This gentleman, who could have been of my age or even older, walked over to me with a smile spread across his face, and then extended his hand and greeted me.

I was taken aback all right by his gesture, but it was his words that moved me the most.

“Grand, I am sorry about what happened last December,” he said, “We didn’t know about it, but you were right. Ndoki let us down. They bought him. He is with Biya, them...”

I was touched by this gentleman's serenity, a fellow whose name I cannot remember. I was touched by his sense of humility, of accepting errors. When two years later, Tabenyang betrayed us like Ndoki did, or perhaps even worse by switching to the CPDM, claiming that decisions by the SDF's National Executive Committee and the chairman robbed him of his right to become the SDF parliamentary representative for Manyu Division; I wish until this day that I had another opportunity to meet with this gentleman from Kumba and say to him with utmost sincerity that, “Grand, grand, I was wrong too. My man Tabenyang was not different from your man Ndoki.”

That is a debt I owe my Bafou friend. If most of us Cameroonians accept that we owe one another that debt because we or someone we held highly betrayed our trust and the collective trust of the Cameroonian people, then we can practically say that we are on the same side—the camp of the genuine advocates of change because we, or people we hold highly sided with the camp of the enemies of the people. The acceptance of such shortcomings will make the fight easier following the launch of the fourth phase of the Cameroonian struggle to get rid of the anachronistic and retarding French-imposed system, and then found the "New Cameroon" in its place.

Janvier Tchouteu-Chando                                                                February 07, 2012

THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC FRONT (SDF) OF CAMEROON: The Role and Path of the 1990-1997 Historic Party of the Opposition in Cameroon’s Quest for Democracy before its Derailment

by Janvier Tchouteu

Notes on Cameroon’s Social Democratic Front (SDF)

by Janvier Tchouteu

Disciples of Fortune

by Janvier Chouteu-Chando

LA CAUSE QUE NOUS AVONS CHOISIE

Les union-nationalistes du Cameroun sont les patriotes avancés et les Camerounais humanisé qui acceptent l'utilisation des méthodes révolutionnaires, des méthodes réformatrice et /ou des méthodes évolutive dans les circonstances appropriées pour atteindre le meilleur pour le peuple Camerounais. Les union-nationalistes se sentent tellement pour le bien-être et l'avenir de la terre et le peuple Camerounais qu'ils sont prêts à s'engager dans une lutte prolongée contre le système rétrograde dans le pays, plutôt que d'accepter la conciliation qui continuent de priver les gens de leur liberté, leur dignité, liberté et d'espoir.

Celui qui a le Cameroun à cœur ; celui qui se lamente sur la vulnérabilité pathétiques du pays, sur son esclavage, sur son découragement et  sur sa maladie ; celui qui ne peut pas se permettre de vivre dans l'indifférence ; et celui qui ne peut pas vivre sans penser, sans comploter et sans travailler, et sans travailler à débarrasser Cameroun de l'esclavage suffocante provoquée par le système Français-imposées devraient se considérer comme un union-nationaliste.

• En considérant la révolution comme un outil de changement, le union-nationaliste accepte que nous devrions détruire ces structures, ces institutions et ces concepts qui sont répressives, égocentrique, anti-gens, et qui ne fonctionnent pas, et alors nous devrions créer de nouveaux pour remplacer les entre eux.
• Les union-nationalistes acceptent également le chemin réformatrice dans des situations qui exige l'amélioration ou l’amélioration des structures, des institutions, des liens, et des concepts qui sont actuellement dans l'existence, de sorte que le bien-être de la population serait améliorée à un état qui est un beaucoup mieux que leurs situations actuelles.
• En outre, en mettant à profit le processus évolutif du changement, l'union-nationaliste s'étend le pragmatisme à outrance, en acceptant le fait que les changements peuvent aussi évoluer en ligne avec le rythme de la nature.

Si nous plions nos têtes, si nous mis de côté notre égoïsme et de l'égoïsme et si nous sincèrement cherchons des réponses à la situation camerounaise, nous observons avec une clarté aveuglante que les différents aspects de la maladie nécessitent des remèdes qui sont révolutionnaires, réformatrice et évolutive; tous en fonction sur l'étendue de la maladie mis en évidence.

Permettez-moi d'inventer un mot pour les union-nationalistes qui acceptent la révolution, la réforme et l'évolution comme les voies à poursuivre afin d'apporter les changements progressifs que le Cameroun a besoin. Je vais appeler une telle personne un revomationist.

Oui, la majorité des Camerounais ont choisi la voie de revomation. Il est incarné dans le nationalisme Kamerunian centenaire, qui a incorporé le préfixe «Union» après la partition de l'Kamerun Allemagne historique après la Première Guerre Mondiale. La lutte est devenue révolutionnaire, en plaidant pour la réunification et l'indépendance après la Seconde Guerre mondiale.

Oui, le nationalisme camerounais a été conçu en 1910, presque une décennie avant la partition de Kamerun allemand, une conséquence cauchemardesque de la défaite du maître coloniale--- L’Allemagne, encore  aggravée par le système français imposé , un système anachroniques qui a suivi la réunification du Cameroun et l'indépendance trompeuses. Les conséquences du système anachronique étouffent les efforts des union-nationalistes aujourd'hui.

Pourtant, nous ne sentons pas vaincu. Nous comprenons que nous avons rencontré des revers. Nous nous sentons invaincu depuis l'époque de l'administration coloniale de L’allemande. L'exécution de nos premiers leaders nationalistes sous les noms de Martin Paul Samba (Mebenga Mebono) et Rudolf Douala Manga Bell ne nous a pas arrêté. L'exécution a entraîné conduit à l'accumulation d'énergie qui a fait renaître le nationalisme camerounais, 34 années après, avec la distinction qu'il a cherché avant tout à réunir les Kamerun Allemand partitionné. C'est cet union-nationalisme qui avait les objectifs de rassembler les peuples de l’ancienne  Kamerun Allemagne dans une société libre, démocratique, prospère, libéral et humanitaire qui a été écrasé  pendant dix ans de guerre contre la France et usurpateur Ahmadou Ahidjo. Le résultat était alors la réunification partielle du Kamerun allemand et une quasi-indépendance pour la terre qui, même aujourd’hui, porte la marque d'une déception colossale.

Oui, malgré la déception et le revers de nos objectifs, nous avons fait des progrès dans le cadre précaire de notre union-nationalisme. Nous avons souffert des incendies de nos ennemis, mais nous avons été implacable dans la poursuite de nos objectifs. Nous savons que même si les ennemis de l'Union des nationalistes du Cameroun sont forts, ils ont peur de la nature humaine et englobant de l'idéal national. Ils savent qu'ils ne peuvent pas vaincre l’union-nationalisme Camerounais à moins que le peuple camerounais leur permettent. Jusqu'à présent, le peuple camerounais n'ont pas renoncé malgré le prix élevé payé pour défendre l'idéal. Le prix a été si fort que certains Camerounais ont été tentés d'adopter des idées alternatives après l'échec de la guerre par l'UPC (Union des Populations du Cameroun) contre les forces (Ahidjo-Alliance Française) déterminé à garder le Cameroun dans la servitude. L'attrait de la conciliation a atteint des sommets après le génocide Franco-Ahidjo qui a coûté plus d'un demi million de vies camerounais. Après cette guerre, un bon nombre de Camerounais est devenu convaincu que le pays pourrait être géré à devenir une grande nation par une autre voie dictée par l'esprit des hommes impérialistes à Paris et leurs marionnettes et collaborateurs qui constituent le système camerounais. Trente-sept années de la règle de Ahidjo-Biya a prouvé que les conciliateurs avaient tort.

Aujourd'hui, même les sceptiques et les cyniques qui pensent encore du Cameroun, avec un bon cœur acceptent le fait que le salut du Cameroun réside dans l'exploitation de la doctrine de son union-nationalisme afin de reconstruire notre nation potentiellement grande. Nous ne devons pas permettre les ignorants, les  auto-centrés  et  des Camerounais non engagé pour nous distraire avec des cris d'une direction alternative.

Oui, nous marchons sur le chemin difficile de espère battues, conscient du fait que nous pouvons atteindre l'objectif de notre cause que si nous restons unis dans notre union-nationalisme. Nous sommes lassés par les attaques de nos ennemis désespérés, mais nous avons décidé de les confronter et de les empêcher de garder nos espoirs dans le marasme où il a été depuis des décennies. Donc, vous ne devriez pas nous reprocher, si vous êtes incapable de défendre l’union-nationalisme Camerounais; ne pas le faire même si vous êtes contre le système ; et même si vous êtes contre le système. Nous savons que la cause exige un prix élevé, mais nous allons la poursuivre, plutôt que d'accepter la conciliation au cours des longues années d'injustices, de sous-développement, de découragement et  de discrimination. Les union-nationalistes du ne serait même pas accepter l'offre pourrie de céder une fraction de leurs espoirs, leurs rêves et leurs intégrités. L'objectif de l'union-nationalisme est d'obtenir pour les  Camerounais des choses qu'ils méritent --- leurs espoirs, leur avenir, leur dignité et leurs opportunités. Ce sont des exigences que la raison ne privent pas n'importe qui, même ceux qui sont contre eux.

Alors, ne vous battez pas contre nous, car nous allons vous battre. Ne pas nous reprocher parce que vous êtes indifférent ou consentante parce que vous n'avez rien à offrir. Ne pas essayer de nous détourner ou nous empêchent avec vos options futiles et les actions lâches en haranguant sur les grand mot de la paix, parce qu'il n'y aura pas de paix quand nos gens sont empêchés d'espoir ; et si il sont privés de leur dignité, leur avenir et leur paix d'esprit. Si vous persistez, alors nous sommes obligés de se battre non seulement contre les ennemis tirent sur nous, mais même contre vous, qui consciemment ou inconsciemment nous avez leurre dans le feu de nos ennemis internes et externes. Nous reconnaissons le fait que nous partageons un passé commun avec nos ennemis et que notre avenir promet d'être meilleure si nous travaillons ensemble pensant des avantages mutuels, mais nous n'accepterons jamais une relation qui est dépourvu de rationalisme et l'humanisme.

Janvier Tchouteu                                                             Janvier  28, 1995

Janvier Tchouteu, auteur de «

LES HÉROS TOMBÉS: Les Dirigeants Africains dont les Assassinats ont Désorganisé le Continent et ont Profité aux Intérêts Etrangers eBook : T. Chando, Janvier, Tchouteu, Janvier: Amazon.fr: Boutique Kindle »

L'Unité du Cameroun: et Le «Cameroun Nouveau» (French Edition)

French Edition | by Janvier Tchouteu

JOINING THE SYSTEM IN A UNION GOVERNMENT WITH THE BIYA REGIME

Joining the Biya regime in a union government? Madness, absurdity to the furthest degree and treason to the patriotic objectives of the struggle. True the majority of Cameroonians want change and the struggling masses are mature in their political manifestations. But once again, they may find themselves betrayed by their political leaders who would be there for their interests only by engaging with the Biya regime.
Unfortunately, all the parties mentioned above (the current opposition) are not revolutionary and lack the far-embracing union-nationalist ideals that epitomize the struggling masses. The union nationalists in the SDF leadership quit the party when Fru Ndi and his mafia made a deal with the CPDM following the 2002 Parliamentary and Council elections. So I won't be surprised if the present Fru Ndi-led SDF completely takes off the mask and join the government. But then, it would be the final treason, and it would be the duty of Cameroonians from all regions, ethnic groups, tribes and provinces to condemn and reject them, because they too like the Biya regime would have made themselves fully as obstacles to the struggle to realize a free, united, liberal, democratic, progressive and economically promising New Cameroon.

Even so, it is about time Cameroonians identify the commitment of their leaders to the struggle to change Cameroon. Most of those mentioned fall under the category of moderates and liberals. None are union nationalists. That is why they talk of “in politics “instead of "in the struggle".
Politics involves interests. Practical politics involves interest groups against one another in a functioning system (a democracy). We don't have a democracy and the struggle is about changing a system to make politicking, and hence competition possible. Changing a system is revolutionary. And the real struggle in Cameroon is changing the anachronistic French imposed system that was put in place under Ahidjo and is being maintained by the Biya regime, a system that betrayed the ideals of reunification and independence.

Posted by: Janvier Tchouteu | Tuesday, 02 November 2004 at 02:05 AM

Janvier Tchouteu is the author of " The Mistakes To Be Avoided in Building The New Cameroon"

Cameroon: France’s Dysfunctional Puppet System in Africa

by Janvier Tchouteu

The Mistakes To Be Avoided in Building The New Cameroon

by Janvier Tchouteu

Why Cameroon Needs a Fundamental Change

by Janvier Tchouteu

Who the Enemies of the People are, and How They are Fighting Against Change: and Others

by Janvier Tchouteu